The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.
This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all Wednesday Plays up to the end of 1965, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis. A selected number of plays from 1966-1970 will be covered.
03.05: The Trial and Torture of Sir John Rampayne (BBC One, Wednesday 10 November 1965) 9:45 – 11:00pm Directed by Peter Duguid; Written by Alan Seymour; Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Natasha Kroll; Music by Stanley Myers
An eminent former diplomat mysteriously disappears from London Airport and a massive nationwide hunt begins. In fact he has been kidnapped by a young pop impresario called Wolf. (Lincolnshire Echo, 4 November 1965, p. 10).
After the realist juggernaut of Up the Junction changed everything, The Wednesday Play’s follow-up didn’t exactly play it safe, though it is certainly accurate to say that Alan Seymour’s TheTrial and Torture of Sir John Rampayne didn’t elicit anything like the same volume of reaction. It didn’t become a news item in itself, though I think it’s a very interesting, oddball play that deserves re-examination sixty years on from its original screening.
The Lincolnshire Echo emphasised the play included a ‘rare’ television performance by film star Jack Hawkins as diplomat Sir John Rampayne, ‘a most unusual role for him’ (op. cit.). Rampayne is ‘viciously and mercilessly arraigned by Wolf and his friends for the blunders and sins of his privileged class’ (ibid.). So far, this sounds like a class/culture war narrative highly in tune with our divided 2025.
Apparently, ‘Slowly, agonisingly, Sir John is stripped of his establishment figure image and brought face to face with the past and his real self with intense dramatic results’ (ibid.). This text is clearly part of a press release as parts are quoted word for word in Television Today (4 November 1965, p. 11). Notably, though seldom commented on back then, a 26 year-old Ian McKellen played Wolf. Someone hiding behind the moniker ‘Monitor’ of the Coventry Evening Telegraph, clinging to the old world, puts the pop in pop impresario in inverted commas: “pop” (10 November 1965, p. 2).
A local angle was conveyed in the Derby Telegraph, which promoted how three former members of the Derby Playhouse Company were appearing in The Trial and Torture of Sir JohnRampayne: Penelope Lee, Alan Mason and Richard Kay (8 November 1965, p. 5). Mason is said to write the scripts for the Playhouse’s pantomimes alongside his wife Diana Bishop (ibid.). Most emphasis was on Hawkins, however, with Ralph Slater being hopeful about the play, as ‘I can’t see Hawkins making one of his rare TV performances unless it’s a worthwhile effort’ (Reading Evening Post, 10 November 1965, p. 2).
Bill Smith described Hawkins as the ‘benevolent father-figure of the British cinema and the personification of all that is best in the Bulldog breed of British man’, looking forward to a play charged with suspense akin to the recent Wednesday Thrillers (Wolverhampton Expressand Star, 10 November 1965, p. 11). Smith describes Rampayne as ‘A man of discretion, though an immense power behind the news’, making a doubtless unintentional link to Tony Garnett’s desire to make drama intervene in the national news (ibid.). Smith noted the twist that it wasn’t the usual Russian spy ‘equivalents of Amos Burke and Patrick McGoohan’, and relished this ‘off-beat’ and ‘unconventional’ plot (ibid.).
The Radio Times billing indicated a large cast of 28, eight of whom were women actors. Tony Garnett’s preview emphasised the play’s political theme and encouraged viewers to use critical thinking:
‘A distinguished and devoted public servant of our time.’ ‘An enemy of the people.’ The death notices are written. They are ready to roll. Which paper will you believe? (Radio Times, 4 November 1965, p. 35)
Garnett pointedly describes Rampayne as ‘one of that handful of men who went to the right school and belong to the right clubs, and he feels has the right to rule’, emphasising how he makes ‘decisions which affect all our lives’ (ibid.). Garnett stressed the play would reveal the ‘human being’ behind the ‘public mask’ and that he is ‘maybe not quite the one you expect to find…’ (ibid.). Garnett’s confident steering of viewers to question and distrust authority must have seemed highly bold in an era where deference still held much away. It notably conveys the proudly socialist intent of the strand at this stage, which offered some plays which presented a rare left-wing counterbalance to the BBC’s more small-c conservative news and current affairs output.
‘JACK HAWKINS’ is the big bold headline at the top of page 35, and he features on the front page, but anyone reading Garnett’s text will begin to doubt, ideas circulating, reassurance left behind…
Happily, I’ve been able to watch this play, whose trial and “torture” mainstay is set in Windsor, Berkshire, and it’s another fascinating entry in The Wednesday Play’s questioning, garrulous public mission.
Rating: *** / ****
I liked this, by and large; it was both an admirably serious direct interrogation of the British establishment, both in old (Rampayne) and new and future (Wolf) guises, and an offbeat camp caper of absurd theatrics, actually in the same ballpark as Diana Rigg era The Avengers, with its eccentric villains and occasional bizarrerie:
Alan Seymour is a writer deeply critical of militarism and imperialism, but who also maintains a belief in democratic values as opposed to a sundering revolution. This comes through via the play’s nuanced inclusion of distinctive ideological types: the (mostly) men who Wolf enlists for Rampayne’s trial include a “castrated liberal” and a “Bolshie”.
The New Statesman-style journalist reveals the embedded co-dependence within a media ecology with a settled, comfortable range of beliefs: “I realise that I’ve quite enjoyed despising Sir John for all these years. But, destroy him and what role do I take up?” This seems philosophically to reflect the idea of regarding political opponents as adversaries worthy of respect, not enemies to be crushed. The Freudian liberal with glasses and beard calls Rampayne “all that is best in England”, following Wolf’s denunciation of him as “all that is worst in the human race!” Seymour’s play is open to different readings, one of which is to deplore the cosy indulgence and staid thinking on display from the liberal as much as from Rampayne.
Wolf’s prosecution pointedly assails British imperialism in India and Kenya, exposing the British as “a cruel and vicious enemy”, as Rampayne’s old African clerk in his colonial days Manao’s (Harry Baird) says, in his impassioned indictment of Rampayne as being like a First World War general behind the lines, drinking whisky and oblivious to the inhumane acts the British forces are committing. After some brutal newsreel shots: “These are our white masters, and their civilisation” as Stanley Myers’s frenzied jazz broils on the soundtrack:
Tortured image projected onto the floor – good direction from Duguid
Seymour is another writer, well before M. John Harrison, to pick up on The Water Babies, situating Charles Kingsley’s text as one that Nanny reads to John as a boy. This play rather impressively exceeds its apparent all-video studio aesthetic with its concise and significant flashback sequences to John’s youth and to the 1926 General Strike, all of which establish how he succumbed to the reactionary group think and actions of his class, the ruling class.
The left-wing March (Milton Johns) comes up with several relevant statistics, countering Rampayne’s pseudo-Macmillan arguments that the masses have never had it so good: the top 1% of people own over 50% of the country’s wealth; 50% of Oxbridge places are taken up by those who went to fee-paying public schools, and over two million people still live in houses officially condemned as unfit for human habitation.
I feel this play is relatively progressive in its representations. There are many roles for women, mainly outside the blankly allegorical “court”, and who are thus not quite as central as in Up the Junction, but it feels something of an advance on many other 1965 plays.
It is a tad odd, though, that Louise (Myrtle Reed) appears late on as a witness, randomly clad in her undies and bra; she gets a worldly liberal humanist parting shot about us all being human.
Myrtle Reed had earlier appeared as a risque, subversive Britannia act slightly anticipative of Jordan in Derek Jarman’s bizarre, punk-era masterpiece Jubilee (1978). I really liked the way the courtroom scenes were introduced with hooded goon captors and Wolf initially wearing an animal mask straight out of Ancient Greek theatre or some bygone pagan past.
“You select so crudely!”, one of the dinner guests/witnesses tells Wolf. Manao is told at one point by Wolf he is going soft, and how this always enables people like Rampayne to get away with it. Yet, Manao reverts to a more radical position at the end: “why don’t they just pull out the plug and let this whole rotten island sink into the sea…?” Yet, in this, he seems to personally forgive Sir John as an individual, taking on Wolf’s earlier stated position that he was created by the public school system: the dominating and bullying traits were forced on him by the powerful.
The bluntness of the play’s message about base and superstructure determining the individual’s (Sir John) actions is oddly undercut by the way it seems to thus excuse him in a woolly liberal manner. But this can be read as a strength in terms of how this play tackles many political ideas to the table in an intelligent way quite unimaginable in our more simplified 21st century TV dramas. You can choose whose ideas and feelings you identify with the most, and Manao and March’s words seem most pertinent in 2025 with rising global fascism in the US and Argentina and a third of British voters seemingly happy to import this cruelty and bullying.
The ending, with the wild goose chase element of the authorities being misled to look for Rampayne on a beach, while Rampayne has been released in Windsor, feels like it is emphasising how Wolf – the new amoral pop establishment – now has the real underlying cultural power, with the police tiny hapless dots in a landscape. There’s a rather dry, chilly note about the ultimate meaninglessness of Wolf’s power. He promotes bands like the significantly named ‘The Rippers’ and a 1960s freedom without ethical socialist relations with other people is hollow.
As with Seymour’s earlier Auto-Stop, which I wrote about here, I feel it is a great strength of this play that it provokes deep and conflicting thoughts in me. It may ultimately be overly talky and too discursive a piece for some viewers today; however, it is fundamentally a very playful teleplay, and that makes it an enjoyably engrossing watch for me. Funnily enough, I’d say the collective hive mind of IMDb voters – 53 of them as of today – scoring this play 7.1 / 10 is spot on!
Best performance: JACK HAWKINS
This was Burnley-born Sir Ian McKellen’s second screen role at the age of 26, after an appearance in a series of Rudyard Kipling adaptations the previous year and with Lynn Redgrave in Peter Draper’s Sunday Out of Season (ATV for ITV, 7 February 1965) and as the lead in a nine-part version of David Copperfield (1966). His accent seems broadly Brummie to me, with at times short Northern vowels too. As perceptive Letterboxd reviewer gibson8 notes, there’s a definite slight resemblance to Malcolm McDowell’s performance as Alex De Large in A Clockwork Orange seven years later, with much the same truculence.
All other players do a good job (Harry Baird is a fine commanding and sincere presence, Milton Johns overdoes the emotion in a way totally acceptable in a piece diverging from realist tenets), but really, this has to be Jack Hawkins’s gong, this week!
He plays Rampayne as a simultaneously puffed-up but assailed figure, battered but never to be fully bowed. A lesser actor would have made him haughtier, more stolid. Hawkins clearly conveys how well he listens to all that is said in this trial, and he is humanly embarrassed by his faults – and his failure to take responsibility for his actions during the General Strike and in India and Kenya. Yet, the play itself doesn’t ultimately condemn him for this, marking its final, liberal humanist turn which shades into a Christian forgiveness. By thoroughly indicting him, it is echoing Michael Hastings’s For The West, though its final softness is also undercut by Manao’s final words. Hawkins is a brilliant symbol of the certainties of the British Empire and conservative stiff-upper-lip, and despite being credibly challenged on his past actions, the play depicts him as out of touch, but also with some residual individual decency to him.
Amid some droll dialogue about jeroboams and magnums of champagne
Hawkins’s voicing of effectively many of the criticisms leveled at Up the Junction and Saved gives them a real gravitas – given Wolf’s cocky amoralism – yet this is undercut by Seymour’s shrewd inclusion of his utter complacency about apartheid South Africa, which was indeed much in line with the often overtly racist Moral Rearmament and NVLA positions on that regime.
Wolf has indeed included Manao’s perspective, and while not a righteous figure, Wolf is a lord of misrule who is well able to expose the cant and humbug of the old establishment. I just love how Hawkins delivers Rampayne’s patronising final brush-off to Wolf:
“You’ve made some interesting points, young man, but of course I shall carry on…! As long as I can…”
Best line: “Taste? We’re not interested anymore, mate, in your dead-as-mutton ideas of good taste, bad taste…! We like bad taste, we want bad taste! We will use bad taste to prise open your mask of…” (Wolf, responding to Rampayne’s “I consider that to be in the most execrable taste…”)
I also liked:
“Oh, well! It’s a good nosh-up, anyway!”
“The amount spent on hats at Ascot last year would have paid for 10,000 old-age pensions for a year!” and
“I had not learned yet that he, and so many of his Englishmen, they liked that blood and superstition. They needed it. It proved that Africans were what they wanted them to be, and justified them. Yes, justified them in their own ways of putting us down.” (Manao to Rampayne)
Audience size: 5.89 million
Share of overall TV viewing audience: 49.8%
The opposition: BBC2 (The Vintage Years ofHollywood – Duck Soup [1933, Marx Brothers]/Newsroom and Weather), ITV (Crime and the BentSociety 03: ‘Coppers Are People’ / Football: England v. Northern Ireland)
Audience Reaction Index: 39%
Reviewed in London press publications consulted: 23.1%
Reception: The critics’ response was meagre, mixed and mild, with a fair bit of appreciation matched by notable criticisms. Viewers were more broadly negative, feeling it was a disappointing play, some taking against its politics, others using a wearying, typical view against its supposed incomprehensibility.
In, as far as I’ve been to find, the only next-day review, Lyn Lockwood’s headline proclaimed that ”U’ DIPLOMAT FACES POP ACCUSER’ (Daily Telegraph, 11 November 1965, p. 21). Lockwood argued this play was ‘very much of the present day’, presenting a clash between the ‘Righter than Right’ ‘diplomat at large’ Sir John and Wolf, ‘a member of the brave new “pop” world who had lured him away from a students’ society debate for a bizarre inquisition’ (ibid.). Rightly, Lockwood felt Seymour’s central idea of ‘a sadistic kind of “This is Your Life” ordeal was an excellent one’, but felt the drama was ‘lost in some diffuse writing’ halfway in, though felt it ‘a rewarding 30 minutes or so’ at ‘the crunch’, with ‘admirable’ performances from Hawkins and McKellen (ibid.).
Adrian Mitchell felt the ‘same prejudices and that same anger’ against materialism and advertising that came across in Robin Chapman’s adaptation of George Orwell’s Keep the Aspidistra Flying on BBC Two with Alfred Lynch ‘should have had a field day during’ The Trial and Torture of Sir John Rampayne (Sunday Times, 14 November 1965, p. 44). Mitchell didn’t feel his ‘social conscience’ was stirred, gradually losing interest: ‘In its first half-hour [it] seemed to run out of Avenger-like visual sweets. From that point it became a panel game’ (ibid.). He felt there were ‘a few good comic ideas’, but, ironically, in view of some of the play’s dialogue, felt it amounted to ‘no more than a Rag Week sketch inflated by some brusque and unhelpful scenes which should be returned to the file marked “Motivation.” The file should then be destroyed’ (ibid.). As Mitchell watched Jack Hawkins sat, suffering, he ‘kept being reminded of a much shorter and surer piece of hatchery, the night when TW3 went for Mr Henry Brooke.’ (ibid.).
Quoting W.H. Auden’s The Dog Beneath the Skin, D.A.N. Jones picked up on the play’s camp allusions to the Profumo Scandal, noting how ‘Jack Hawkins, representing the Establishment, was wheeled into view by masked men in leather and compelled to watch a film of his secret visits to a sado-masochists’ brothel’ and how Sir John was made to kneel before ‘a girl in a black bra, who menaced him with a rubber dagger’ (New Statesman, 19 November 1965, p. 804). Jones reflected observantly how the play was based on the ‘popular belief that stiff-upper-lip and Britain-can-take-it values reflect an unwholesome national interest in the infliction if pain, closely connected with the education of our ruling class’ (ibid.). While Jones noted the clear depiction of his strike-breaking propensities and admiration for Hitler and Verwoerd, he felt the connection of these public activities and Rampayne’s sex life and education was ‘tenuous’ (ibid.). Jones was rather dismissive of the use of ‘Pop’ culture, regarding the play also as ‘much more droll than it was meant to be, illustrating rather than criticising the current desire to see cruel deeds performed’ (ibid.).
This seems slightly verging on the moralistic critiques that Edward Bond’s Saved received, and, as in that case, I’m not sure it really holds, especially given that Wolf’s supposed ‘cruelty’ is surely miniscule compared to the events in Rampayne’s past. Jones also stood up to be counted into 1965’s culture war by claiming ‘It was worth Ken Tynan’s while to challenge press-sponsored ‘public opinion’ with his stammered ‘obscenity’, even though the BBC saw fit to apologise on Monday’ (ibid.).
Argus pejoratively claimed it was ‘one of those way-out and slightly weird efforts which put the onus on the viewer to discern between right and wrong’ (Glasgow Daily Record, 11 November 1965, p. 17). Interestingly, this actually accords with how Up the Junction could be, and was, read differently by different viewers. Argus felt Rampayne was ‘viciously and mercilessly grilled for the sins of his life and the class of society in which he moved’ (ibid.). I would question whether it really is that vicious, compared with bringing the troops in during the General Strike or the sort of acts shown in 1950s Kenya. Argus seemed oddly put out that it wasn’t didactic about whether Rampayne was ‘a thorough rascal or a character who had merely played the game of life to his best ability’ (ibid.). They called it a ‘flop’ as entertainment, but acknowledged ‘the acting was first-rate’ (ibid.).
More positively, K.H. felt it was ‘a remarkable demonstration of the television director’s art’, appreciating the neat, skilful dovetailing of the historical flashbacks with the present (Peterborough Evening Telegraph, 11 November 1965, p. 2). Anon in The Newry Telegraph regarded Seymour’s play as ‘Absorbing and interesting, because it was different’ – always a view I will tend to share (13 November 1965, p. 12). They noted McKellen’s ‘sneering, sarcastic inquisitor’ and how the play ‘had the quality of a night-mare’, exacerbating the more we saw of Rampayne’s past (ibid.). Hawkins was said to be ‘grand’, McKellen ‘irritatingly scathing’, while they felt Rampayne’s ruthlessness had been exposed, along with the ‘real personalities of those other three involved, especially the Communist’ (ibid.).
The audience, collectively, was far from impressed: 18% giving it the higher A+/A scores and a significant 49% scoring it C/C- (BBC WAC, VR/65/636). A Company Director felt it utterly ‘boring – nauseating theme and characters’, while a Housewife claimed, ‘I am sick to death of protest plans. For heavens sake let us have an end to them’ (ibid.). This is an odd comment to make, given it is closer to N.F. Simpson than to agitprop in style and, as already mentioned, really isn’t didactic, though I suppose criticism of the British establishment and South African regime may have touched some nerves.
A Bank Manager was greatly disappointed, especially due to the ‘front page (Radio Times) treatment’ it had been given, claiming it was ‘a blatant advertisement for extreme Left-wing cum Communist thinking, or lack of it’. This became an interestingly contradictory response, while seeming to perpetuate the fallacy – common today – that representation equals endorsement:
Many old scores were re-opened and we were again treated to colour and race hatred and class distinctions served up ad nauseam. It was a dreary play enlivened only by invective and spleen. (ibid.)
Others assailed ‘sick entertainment’ or ”a pretentious dressing of the theme’, unlikely to the point of being ridiculous’ (ibid.). I am afraid I am going to have to consider it evidence of a lack of intelligence on one viewer’s part that they claimed to have spent 45 minutes ‘trying to fathom what it was all about, and finally gave up’: as it is straightforwardly about putting an old Establishment man on trial for what he has done in his life!
A third moderately liked it, though many of these also felt a good idea hadn’t been developed successfully, and some claimed it ‘lacked fire’ and included several ‘longeurs’ (ibid.). A small group is said to have really enjoyed its cleverness and freshness, being ‘definitely different from the ordinary run of plays, imaginative, exciting, original’ and ‘very viewable’ (ibid.). While acting was felt to be slightly below par by some, most were impressed, with ‘many praising’ Hawkins and McKellen (ibid.). The production was felt to be satisfactory by the cast majority, though the easily confused disliked the ‘jumping about between years’ (ibid.).
I’ve only located one letter to the press about it. Mrs B. Kane of Lincoln Road, Werrington, Northamptonshire regarded the play as a major ‘waste’ of Jack Hawkins’s ‘talent’ (Sunday Mirror, 14 November 1965, p. 22). Kane eye-rolled that ‘sound effects and scenic departments were obviously enthralled by their tasks’ in ‘that stupid BBC play’, while, in a parallel way to critics of Up the Junction, taking against the characters they saw:
The monstrous know-all young man wearing the animal head was such an objectionable character mouthing phoney dialogue that the play lost any impact it could have had. (ibid.)
Ultimately, Alan Seymour’s play was a good watch, and while not quite imaginatively enough developed from its brilliant absurd premise, it stands up as yet another fascinating time capsule of 1965 and its TV drama, and was playful enough that its 72 minutes flew by.
If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂
The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.
This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all Wednesday Plays up to the end of 1965, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis. A selected number of plays from 1966-1970 will be covered.
03.04: Up the Junction (BBC One, Wednesday 3 November 1965) 9:40 – 10:50pm Directed by Ken Loach; Written by Nell Dunn & Tony Garnett (uncredited); Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Eileen Diss; Songs sung by Russ Parker, played by Winifred Helliwell and Marie Cleve; ‘Bad Girl’ by Stanley Myers and Nell Dunn
I used to be violently concerned about politics, when we lived in Battersea. There you are so much aware of everything that is going on. The walls of the houses are made of plywood and you hear everything. We had one tap and an outdoor lavatory. I was completely uninterested in comfort. I washed all the clothes in the public washhouse; now I have a washing machine. […] At Battersea all I thought about was Socialism and poverty and those things. I couldn’t have cared less what we ate. (The Scotsman, 3 April 1965, p. 6).
Location footage and hand-held shots and unsteady camera movements, undoubtedly imbued it with an ‘authentic’ aura previously unseen in television drama (Jamie Sexton, ‘Televérité Hits Britain: Documentary, Drama and the Growth of 16mm Filmmaking in British Television, Screen, 2003, p. 442).
Under [Sir Hugh Greene] television drama flowered at the BBC as it has never blossomed anywhere in the world. The Wednesday Play plays like Up the Junction, Kathy [sic] Come Home, Drums Along the Avon, The Lump, In Two Minds – plays that won a unique place in the history of TV drama in that they were discussed the next day by ordinary people as if they were important social happenings – were screened (Stanley Reynolds, Manchester Evening News, 21 October 1972, p. 4).
I first thought and felt deeply about Up the Junction when reading Tony Garnett’s memoir, The Day The Music Died (2016) on summer holiday in 2017. Garnett made a great case for its revolutionary nature in getting out of the studio and onto the streets, and, most significantly, in representing working-class life in an unvarnished way, to a TV audience with an immediacy impossible in cinema and of an infinitely large size compared to theatre. The direction the play took was partly influenced by Garnett’s own familial experience of abortion when growing up and his motivation to challenge societal silence and bigotry toward the subject. During my PhD study, I finally got around to watching the original 1965 Up the Junction, repeating the viewing to shot-log its entirety. Now, I watch it a third time for this sixtieth anniversary blog article, using the essential Ken Loach at the BBC DVD box-set.
Up the Junction was originally created by Nell Dunn, from a wealthy background, being daughter of industrialist Sir Philip Dunn. Nell wrote Up the Junction as a book based on her own observations of life in the Clapham Junction area of South London. Right-wing journalist Christopher Booker, within his tedious wider assault on 1960s culture, The Neophiliacs (1969) snidely emphasised Dunn as part of the ‘Chelsea Set’ and as being ‘a millionaire’s daughter’, a sexist denial of her own agency, and a typical attack on anyone well-to having a social conscience – while also being critical of Up theJunction and Edward Bond’s closely contemporaneous stage play, Saved (pp. 279-80).
Clearly, Up the Junction struck a nerve, annoying the right people. Des Freedman has argued programmes like it and Cathy Come Home ‘demonstrated how television could play an important progressive role in public life’ (2003: 69). Macmurraugh-Kavanagh elaborated, detailing how Up the Junction marked a key moment in The Wednesday Play’s drive to make drama a social intervention within and against the news and to shape public opinion: ‘focusing ‘fact’ through emotional and physical reality (as in the case of Up the Junction and abortion law reform)’ (Screen, 1997, p. 250). Dunn, born in 1936, is still alive, like Ken Loach nearing her tenth decade.
In November 1963, John Gross was highly complimentary about Nell Dunn’s romantic, yet also grounded view of London life, loving its comedy and melancholy, extolling ‘A highly accomplished book, truthful and likeable’ (Observer, 17 November 1963, p. 25). Andrew Leslie felt Dunn was covering ‘an odd social stratum […] They are the working-class who have been left behind, still visibly struggling for survival’ (Guardian, 29 November 1963, p. 17). These reviews mentioned the ‘dance hall’ and the ‘pawn shop’ and proximity to illegality. Leslie saw the characters as ‘like a species of moth, settling quickly on whatever point of life will hold them – and then away again’ (ibid.). The book went onto win the John Llewellyn Rees Prize for being the most memorable book of its year.
An interview by ‘Boswell’ in The Scotsman gave a picture of Nell Dunn’s home life in Putney with husband Jeremy Sandford and two children, enabling Dunn to reflect: ‘The world’s so mad, I can never make judgments. People are absolutely amazing!’ (op. cit.). MacGibbon & Kee are said to have commissioned Up the Junction following a few short pieces Dunn had penned for the New Statesman (ibid.). Dunn is said to be good friends with neighbour Edna O’Brien, who was when the interview was taking place, taking one of Nell and Jeremy’s kids to the cinema with hers (ibid.). Dunn recounts admiring Austen, Dickens, Hardy and Lawrence and was a great fan of Jeremy Sandford’s Third Programme radio plays before she met him (ibid.). As a writer, he is influenced by her environment as a writer, including a spell working in a sweet factory, and like other women writers she knows, Dunn was engaged in politics, helping to elect a Labour MP in Putney in the 1964 general election, while reflecting on living a much more middle-class life than she had in Battersea previously (ibid.).
Up the Junction centres on three young women, Rube (Geraldine Sherman), Sylvie (Carol White) and Eileen (Vickery Turner), who go up to Clapham Junction where the events occur. The Daily Record identified the setting as Battersea, also adding, ‘Despite their poor surroundings these people have an aliveness which isn’t found in more affluent circles’ (3 November 1965, p. 16).
Television Today recorded that Ray Barron had dislocated a shoulder during rehearsals for the swimming scenes, and that the play would be recorded on 23 September (9 September 1965, p. 11). Ken Hankins felt the production, with ‘no plot and no story-line’, ‘deliberately unorthodox, attempting to capture some of the flavour of life in London’, sounded intriguing and noted the BBC was claiming it was a ‘show’, rather than a play, documentary or musical (Peterborough Evening Telegraph, 30 October 1965, page unclear). ‘Monitor’ noted the large cast of 50, how only three characters are recurring, while, as other publications did more briefly, valuing Nell Dunn’s original book as ‘raw and witty’, with ‘remarkable warmth and insight’ in its 100 or so pages (Coventry Evening Telegraph, 3 November 1965, p. 2). Ralph Slater thought that its ‘sheer unpredictability’ made it ‘worth a try’ (ReadingEvening Post, 3 November 1965, p. 2).
Rather dramatically, it was announced that senior BBC officials had called for a special screening of Up the Junction on 2 November and they ‘ordered several cuts – but left in a startling sequence about a back-street abortion’ (Daily Express, 3 November 1965, p. 13). Even before broadcast, the BBC was under fire about the play, accused by Mary Whitehouse’s Clean-Up TV Campaign of presenting ‘near pornographic material under the guise of culture and education’ (ibid.). This was, frankly, an absurd claim based on what was in the actual play, which they cannot have known, anyway. The CUTV are said to have gone to Kenneth Robinson, the Minister of Health with their pre-emptive complaint (Daily Record, op. cit.). Michael Bakewell was said to have been present at the BBC pre-broadcast screening, with cuts resulting being ‘minor’ (Lincolnshire Echo, 3 November 1965, p. 7). Picking up on the likely controversy, Clifford Davis claimed it was ‘certain to cause something of a sensation’ (Daily Mirror, 3 November 1965, p. 3).
Story editor Tony Garnett previewed Up theJunction in the Radio Times firstly by quoting several glowing reviews of the book; he followed this literary validation by tellingly rooting the play in Battersea experience, with the excursions to Clapham Junction, while also stating: ‘it could be lots of places’ (28 October 1965, p. 45). Garnett emphasised how it would show a troubling picture:
Go to any big city and the human waste will horrify you, because the people you will see tonight are exploited, given a raw deal, or just conveniently forgotten by the rest of us. You would expect them to be ‘down’ – and they have every right to be. But they are not. All of them – all ages – are irrepressibly alive. And the young people, like Rube, Sylvie, Eileen, and their friends in tonight’s play, have a personal style and sophistication which put to shame the self-promoting ‘in-groups’ with their tender clothes and their colour supplements. (ibid.)
Initiating a new epoch, Garnett writes of how to bring this to screen: The Wednesday Play has to ‘break some rules to tell the truth as we see it’, so ‘we told our director, Kenneth Loach, that none of the sacred cows of television drama need stand in his way. There were many risks involved in this freedom and he has embraced them with relish’ (ibid.). Garnett ended with a sharp focus on its unconventional style and truthfulness and uncannily predicted its lasting qualities:
This is a show which defies the categories. It is not a play, a documentary, or a musical. It is all of these at once. It is something new – but, more important, it is something true. If you watch it we can promise you something that will stay in your mind for a long time. (ibid.)
Significantly, for the long term of single drama, John Mackenzie was employed as Production Manager: Mackenzie became one of many vital talented directors on Play for Today and in British cinema (Unman, Wittering and Zigo, Made, Apaches and The Long Good Friday). Garnett, of course, would soon be elevated to the role of producer…
Linda McCarthy, who worked on the play as a trainee assisting the experienced AFM Jackie Willows, recalls shooting at municipal washrooms and a chocolate factory in Acton (interviewed by the author, 11 May 2021). Linda remembers arranging some of the motorbikes for the accident on Crystal Palace Parade, and also “driving round Clapham in a hearse. I mean, those days it was amazing because people still came out on the streets and if you went by in a hearse the men took their hats off. Incredible.’ (ibid.). She recalls they only probably got around two minutes of the final footage in the can per day (ibid.). McCarthy recalls that, when they did the sequence in the swimming pool, “one of the actors dislocated his arm and his shoulder so I had to take him off to King’s College Hospital to A&E. I think it was a Saturday night too, and you do not want to be in A&E on a Saturday night, certainly not.” (ibid.)
It was one of McCarthy’s first productions; she would have been familiar with South London, having been born there in 1943 and gone to Sydenham High School for Girls. She also recollects herself “and the three girls pushing all the washing across country in a supermarket trolley which we later used for the cameraman, Brian Tufano, [who went] in it for doing a tracking shot” (ibid.). Linda recalls all of the main cast being good fun to be with, many being of a similar age to herself, and how Nell Dunn was on set at least once, as she gave her a copy of the original book, which she still has to this day! (ibid.).
Anyway, Up the Junction is, of course, a play which I can watch, unlike the last two wiped ones. It starts a run until Christmas where I can watch pretty much all plays, barring The Bond, but even that has an extant clip.
Rating **** / ****
Up the Junction is a Pop Art collage, more sociological insight than well-made play, but it does still tell a story amid many fragments. It conveys the sociological imagination – to use C. Wright Mills’s 1959 phrase – through means of an artistic mode which feels immediate and lifelike. Its deeply immersive candid camera approach – Tony Imi (or was it Brian Tufano?) moving in among the people on the streets – gives it a fresh vividness. The vogue term at the time for this technique was televérité, developed from the documentary style of John Boorman and Denis Mitchell, alongside US Direct Cinema influences, as Jamie Sexton (2003) discerned. My PhD – available online – has further material on Up the Junction‘s canonical significance and details its Average Shot Lengths for its film and video sequences.
Loach, Garnett and Dunn’s drama, made by a fine crew and a vast cast similar to that in James O’Connor’s Three Clear Sundays from seven months earlier, puts us right into 1965. The opening with Myers and Dunn’s ‘Bad Girl’ being performed by a band as we then see new high rise blocks accompanied by yearning, creaking organ sounds in the song. We are given a breathless montage of overheard conversations, phrases, songs and images. A Genghis Khan film poster, David McCallum staring down at us from the wall of the room where Rube has the abortion. Discussions of the Hydrogen bomb, the pools, dieting and posters of wrestling bills, gossip about a “dirty old man”. Sex and death are the prime themes. There is a morbid or prurient obsession or a breezy casualness towards them.
This play feels rooted in the London equivalent of The Shangri-Las’ New York, the most brilliant trashy (p)arty pop which revelled in subjective melodramas of being young in the city. This Wednesday Play presents petty theft, violent scuffles, drinking in the boozer and drink driving on motorcycles. I do feel it stays close to the people so that the events do not seem overly glamourised, which is a trap the fascinating but queasily amoral Jeff Nuttall and Rodick Carmichael book (1977) does, fetishising violence. Bad things just happen here, and the key words spoken, late on, are “Poor Rube”. We do feel for her, even if the play deliberately avoids any Dickensian mode of popular sentimentality. While this is clearly Poor Rube’s story, she shakes off any sense of victimhood and remains very much vivacious, pleasure-loving Rube to the end.
The look is of course vital in mid 1960s British culture. I’m pretty sure Vickery Turner’s striking floral mod or pop art top is used or adapted by great London band Saint Etienne for the aesthetics of their debut album, Foxbase Alpha (1991).
In an uninterrupted take, the three girls sing The Beatles’ ‘I Should’ve Known Better’ (1964), from A Hard Day’s Night, a film that Geraldine Sherman appeared in, uncredited. I feel this play is informed by Joan Littlewood and Theatre Workshop’s warm involvement of working-class talent and by the blazing cultural example The Beatles were setting, exploring self, society and advancing Love over War. On the former, Garnett confirmed using many Theatre Workshop actors in Up the Junction, like George Sewell (2016, p. 140).
It contains so much interesting tangential language in the snippets of conversations and observations than you would get in a more obviously honed play. We get traditionalism and modernity constantly vying with each other – references to “trousseau” and “quinine”. This feels like O’Connor’s plays in its earthy proximity to street life, but without quite the same crime and punishment narrative moves. It’s great to just hear “guvnor”, “clobber”, “nicker”, “me nutter”, a “chinning”, “up the spout”, “toerag”, and a man branded “you dirty big slag!” without there being any question of punishment or evasion of the law. In a moment expressing the times, the elderly Mrs Hardy (Rita Webb) chortles wonderfully about there being little chance of her “getting in the family way now”!
Mrs Hardy earlier on
Dunn and Garnett’s vision is also barbed and complex. There is a strong implicit anti-racism at times, but then also a racism which is not narratively challenged – perhaps in a deliberate that’s life-type way. I’d say the extended sequence with Barny the Tallyman is as clear and enraging depiction of the evils of unfettered capitalism as you’ll ever see in a film or TV drama. George Sewell brilliantly puts flesh on an utterly grasping predator.
Barny’s racism is clearly part of his pernicious worldview, and there is no chance of people getting the wrong idea – as happened with Alf Garnett – and nor is he made endearing or excessively central: he is there for five minutes or so, then he’s gone. Also, the early factory scenes crucially include three Black women workers – Myrtle Mackenzie, Cleo Sylvestre and Winifred Sabine – and they are an integral part, laughing, gossiping and illicitly dancing along with the rest of the workforce.
This all makes me instinctively more charitable towards the uncomfortable final scene, where Sylvie’s racist clichés are unchecked; Rube just laughs along with a “you didn’t…?” (say that) kind of response. Given how another girl casually admits dropping out of an evening class, Dunn and Garnett, implicitly, deliver a realist parting shot both against the ‘improving’ WEA type ethos, but also show it is needed, implying these young women are limiting their horizons by not trying to grasp more conceptual ways of seeing the world. Making this clear in too blunt or didactic a way would seem overly churlish and undercut the generally warm portrayal of the three young women.
Overall, this presents the archetypal depiction of vigorous, thrilling but dangerous working-class life at this moment in time, and the pervasive hedonistic spirit and Peggy Lee ‘Is That All There Is?’ fatalism of many ordinary people in the London Nell Dunn experienced, and in the working-class Birmingham that formed Tony Garnett. There is survival humour and no lectures, never any lectures. The magnificently flawed gallery of people here show us who they are through their survival humour.
Most significantly, it also presented a rare woman writer’s outlook, with, even rarer, a majority female cast – a necessary breath of fresh air, that was too seldom followed up over the next decade both in The Wednesday Play and its successor Play for Today.
Best performance: GERALDINE SHERMAN
George Sewell has to be highlighted, for his conveying of the counterfeit charm such a Tallyman would have, while conveying his utter, greed-driven tenacity. This is the face of the system that most people couldn’t easily identify. Also, the great Tony Selby, an utterly inimitable actor, sly and loveable, devious and forlorn.
But Geraldine Sherman, from a Jewish refugee background, and who grew up in an orphanage, is just stunning, sensual and ordinary, and carries us along in her intense experiences – an abortion, the death of her betrothed boyfriend in a motorcycle – while then brushing them off with a bizarre, compelling breeziness (I’m not going to say stoicism or that highly overused and ideologically utilised word in 2020s culture, ‘resilience’).
Sherman is a luminous 1960s figure to go alongside Rita Tushingham, Pauline Boty, Sandie Shaw, Julie Christie and Jane Arden. She projects a brash, vulnerable warmth as Rube, who is more than ‘feisty’: a real force of casual joie de vivre.
Best line: “Are you frightened o’ dying, Sylvie?” / “Nah, you can’t get owt when yer dead”.
There are so many other great ones… This is just a very cursory sample:
“I’m using me brains to the best of me ability. It’s what the Tories call free enterprise!” (Barny the Tallyman)
“Never mind, Sylvie. Keep never-minding, it’s only for life…” (Rube)
“Why should we think ahead? What’s there to think ahead to, except growing old…?!” (Dave)
“Borstal was all right… A sort o’ University for them that couldn’t afford Oxford…” (Dave)
“He’s promised to take me to Bromsgrove for a fortnight…” (Mrs Hardy) [A fine one as one of Whitehouse’s most vociferous MP backers represented that constituency!]
“She was a scrubber all ‘er life. Ever since she was 14, she worked in them baths… Boiling hot in summer, damp and draughty in winter…Surprised it didn’t finish ‘er orf sooner…”.
Oh, and, actually, this must be the best in terms of environmental print:
Audience size: 9.21 million
This success was part of a significant upturn in BBC ratings, with the BBC getting six shows in TV’s Top Twenty, according to ITV associated TAM figures: being seen by 4.35 million homes, equivalent to 9.57 million individual viewers according to my approximated calculations (Daily Telegraph, 13 November 1965, p. 9).
Share of overall TV viewing audience: 60.8%
The opposition: BBC2 (The Vintage Years ofHollywood: Man’s Castle / Newsroom), ITV (Crimeand the Bent Society: No. 02 – ‘The Big Tickle’ / Wrestling)
Audience Reaction Index: 58%
Reviewed in London press publications consulted: 69.2%
Reception: Funnily enough, this didn’t necessarily get many more next-day reviews than the average Wednesday Play. Yet, in time it was widely reviewed, while also provoking a vast reaction as a news item in itself, generating controversy and discussion of a volume that fulfilled Garnett’s aims. The reactions from critics and public were mixed, with a fair few loud attacks expressed, but these were out-argued by as many wiser heads. Overall, evidence points to the play annoying a certain type of person, but winning enthusiastic acceptance by a larger, increasingly socially liberal, public.
First off, an anonymous critic praised ‘a remarkable and technically stimulating hybrid, documentary in text and dialogue, impressionist in style and editing, embellished with raucous pop music’ (The Times, 4 November 1965, p. 17). They accepted its ‘honesty’, in reflecting Dunn’s experience of Battersea life, though pedantically noted it was only true of how ‘some people live’ and warned of the easy attractions the ‘well bred’ youth might find in ‘blank insignificant lives filling their vacuity with casually meaningless pleasures (mainly those of sex, booze, and dangerously driven motorbikes)’ (ibid.). They interpreted this TV show as suggesting that ‘life Up the Junction is drably and miserably unattractive ; her play is a vigorous persuader to virtue’ (ibid.). I would rather say that Dunn and Garnett are not judging the lives depicted in such a moralistic way as this reviewer does (ibid.).
Peter Black felt there was a provocateur element behind the play, with ‘the Wednesday Play boys’ seeing ‘just how far they could go in a television play with sex and cuss words’, but also that it was written and photographed ‘with remarkable technical brilliance’, immersing us in the street life (Daily Mail, 6 November 1965, p. 4). Black liked feeling so physically close to the characters, and legitimated its skill by analogising Dunn’s Battersea with W. Somerset Maugham’s Lambeth in his novel Liza of Lambeth (1900).
However, Black acknowledged that not all other viewers had taken to it: ‘A lot of people genuinely dislike seeing the unpleasant realities of life’, while others’ blood would have been frozen by ‘the anarchy of this play’ (ibid.). Black felt the terrified screams of the experience of the miscarriage effectively made a moralist point about the prior seduction (ibid.). Yet, despite all this, Black felt it applied too much of a ‘violent shove’, the amount of coarse language was unnecessary and that the final third added little (ibid.). He also bemoaned the camera turning him into a ‘voyeur’ during the seduction on the bomb-site, and claimed the BBC should have given more forewarning that many would be offended and shocked by the play (ibid.).
There mightapparently have been other next-day reviews by Lockwood in the Daily Telegraph and one in the Daily Mirror, but these have not been traceable.
Maurice Richardson claimed that Dunn’s ‘objective study of mixed-up members of the Battersea lumpen proletariat had made a distinct impact on the subtopian hominids’ (Observer, 7 November 1965, p. 25). He noted tellingly that ‘Nobody objected that it wasn’t really a play at all’ and that the message that ‘this was very much what some girls really are like’ had got across, while reflecting he would have liked more ‘documentation’ and a sense of how typical these girls ‘and their sad sub way of life are of Battersea as compared with other parts of London’ (ibid.). Yet, Richardson felt its pull was in the script’s ‘verity’ and ‘exact observation’, compared with much other television (ibid.).
The same day, theatre critic J.W. Lambert critiqued Edward Bond’s Saved as a ‘springboard for squalid fantasy’, claiming it was ‘One in the eye for theatre that its first performance should take place simultaneously with Up the Junction‘s TV broadcast – with Dunn’s play ‘reaching out – too frenetically but with so much more warmth and truth – into this same grubby maelstrom of spiritual under-nourishment’ (Sunday Times, 7 November 1965, p. 55). Lambert reflected on now Tony Selby was excellent in both Saved and Upthe Junction, which pointed up the contrast in the texts (ibid.).
Maurice Wiggin, reliably the dimmest and crustiest critic in the pack, patronised Nell Dunn as ‘a lucky girl’ and ‘a girl who has done little more, as yet, than demonstrate that her heart is in the right place and that she has an ear for common speech’, also titling his weekly column ‘Little Nell’s curiosity shop’ (Sunday Times, 7 November 1965, p. 57). Wiggin is churlish about Dunn’s celebrity, and while he felt the play was ‘a highly moral affair’ which depicted ‘life being lived flat-out, fermenting like grog’, this was ‘all on one terribly monotonous level’ (ibid.). He found the constant din oppressive to his ‘despised bourgeois habits of privacy and modulation’, expressing a clichéd attack: ‘The so-called “musical” element was diabolical’ (ibid.). Wiggin disliked how the vérité shots of real people implicated them in the drama; while accepting the vividness of the play, he felt it was ‘the vividness of uninhibited extremism’ (ibid.). Wiggin makes a relatively perceptive going about progressive intellectuals finding life in the slums ‘rich’, while disdaining ‘thin and impoverished’ suburban life – which he nevertheless accepts they ‘quite rightly’ want slum dwellers to have access to. Yet his lack of attentiveness to the text is clear when claiming the central trip were ‘barely sketched in’ and he felt the elder women actors were far too familiar, though did feel the Tallyman was a ‘predator whom Dickens or Mayhew would have fastened on […] This vulturine monster was a stunning little cameo: a whole play, a whole series could grow out of him’ (ibid.).
However, despite these kernels of insight, and Wiggin’s claim to ‘respect radicalism’, he critiqued Dunn, Loach and MacTaggart’s ‘uneasy compound of self-righteousness and pugnacity’ and lapsed into his customary Tory philistinism:
Other people have tried to tell the truth and shame the devil, and even to improve this wicked world. Without losing sight of the prime aim of entertainment. (ibid.).
Wiggin’s slightly more eggheaded partner in Sunday prose T.C. Worsley emphasised James MacTaggart’s boldness and nerve in continuing got back ‘his fancies’, despite earning ‘more abuse than praise for his selections’, but also that he found the producer’s taste ‘almost wholly unsympathetic’, seeing his experimentation as ‘a false trail’ (Financial Times, 10 November 1965, p. 26). However, Worsley admired MacTaggart’s persistence in discovering ‘new forms in television writing and the provision of as free an opportunity as possible for his writers to experiment with the medium’, admitting his own critical tastes may be old-fashioned (ibid.). Experiment is ‘not just laudable, it is essential, if the whole thing is not to run down’: television needing such a slot equivalent to the Royal Court where ‘anything and everything can be tried’, though Worsley felt The Wednesday Play should be at a later hour and less exposed, as it were, to ‘harsh criticism’ (though, indeed, less impactful to a large public, I’d argue) (ibid.).
Worsley conceded that Up the Junction‘s ‘technical innovations’ as tele-verite and ‘liveliness and lyricism’ lent it an impact no conventional methods could have achieved, and commended White, Sherman and Turner’s brilliant acting (ibid.). He made familiar obtuse arguments questioning its overall truth about Clapham Junction life, while feeling it lost rhythm from the motorcycle accident on (ibid.). However, he ended his review more favourably by admiring its freshness of approach, compared to Rediffusion’s Blackmail, which would feature youthful amorality or backstreet abortions, but be ‘trivially told and indifferently acted’ (ibid.).
Patrick Skene Catling totally failed to review the play, instead impugning Nell Dunn’s deliberate social mobility, recalling meeting her once at Woodrow Wyatt’s ‘splendid house beside Regent’s Park, shortly after she had made her move from Chelsea to Battersea’:
I am not among those who believe that richest disqualify a man from socialist politics, not that they beat a young woman from living among the poor of South London. But she shouldn’t brag so about her way of life. Mr. Wyatt doesn’t about his (Punch, 10 November 1965, p. 700).
Frederick Laws reflected that reviewers of Dunn’s original short stories were excited by their portrayal of unfamiliar lives of women from ‘the lower orders’ in Battersea, but felt this TV version was (sigh) ‘no continuing central characters or progression of story’ (The Listener, 11 November 1965, p. 771). This is blatantly wrong in that there are three central women protagonists. Again, Laws felt it was propaganda ‘against the horror of furtive abortion’ and ‘could have been taken as a sermon against slums, poverty, and promiscuity’, echoing several other critics’ pearl-clutching interpretation from their own perspectives (ibid.). Laws felt ‘Miss’ Dunn ‘was plainly serious and on the side of the angels and the common people’, concluding with a wish that she might ‘one day give us a brutally realistic play about smart people’ (ibid.).
D.A.N. Jones also admitted to a ‘mingled pity and admiration’, though contrasting Dunn’s vision of charming spirit with Orwell’s colder approach to working-class life in the adaptation of his novel Keep theAspidistra Flying on BBC Two on Sundays (New Statesman, 12 November 1965, p. 760). Jones felt it was clearly true to life, ‘but it dealt almost entirely with extroverts in public situations’, interestingly also reflecting how local clergy wanted even more realism through drugs being depicted (ibid.). He noted a post-play LateNight Line-Up discussion where MacTaggart claimed that ‘we’ are afraid of people like this, while Ken Loach ‘held that the harsh abortion scene would act as a dire warning’, though Jones questioned against what, given how ‘The girl was up against and bouncing around so soon’ afterwards (ibid.). Apparently, ‘a tearful Nell Dunn answered telephone complaints from South London’ itself (ibid.).
While furthering the blind alley of questioning its deep social representativeness of all Battersea life, Jones developed this line of argument in the most interesting way:
We saw not Battersea but a set of mobile youngsters on a network that linked Tooting, Brixton and the deep-south motor-bike belt. We saw the equally feckless grannies and widows of the pubs and markets. But there was hardly a sign of the important 25-45 age group. They were represented by the evil tallyman, his business ethics interpreted with vicious brilliance by George Sewell. But who was he talking to? The author, evidently. Her absence from the play left a hold which could only be filled by an appearance of documentary objectivity, confusing the audience (ibid).
Philip Purser discerned that, at least, TV’s filmic yearnings had yielded a ‘movie’ in Up the Junction, claiming the proportions of film to video studio were 2:1 (it was in fact, by my exact calculations, 52.6%:47.4%). Purser felt this use of Denis Mitchell’s documentary style with actors was ‘a remarkable breakthrough’, while chiding the ‘over-praise and over-anxiety’ it had elicited, and expressing deep irritation that Dunn, MacTaggart and Loach had tried to ‘take up a total position’ on Line-Up (Sunday Telegraph, 7 November 1965, p. 13). Rather, Purser admired it as ‘a piece of art’, being ‘alive, tangy, exhilarating’, brilliantly shot and played, which ‘flew’, and had ‘dear old Rita Webb’ (ibid.).
Purser’s glowing – and notably anti-sociological – Sunday Telegraph review was also, tellingly, published as an advertisement in both The Listener (11 November 1965, p. 749) and The Economist (13 November 1965, p. 754). Significantly in view of November 1965’s position as a cultural turning point, Alan Brien’s review of Edward Bond’s play Saved at the Royal Court appeared on the same both times (ibid.). Notably, Kenneth Tynan uttered the word “fuck” on BBC3 just ten days after Up the Junction had aired.
A.B. complained of the noise, and its not being a play in the same way the previous week’s A Designing Woman was (Leicester Mercury, 4 November 1965, p. 8). They felt it was ‘essentially a Sunday supplement sort of programme, showing exactly the unfortunate sort of people that Lord Snowdon took such wonderful pictures of the other week for a certain newspaper’ (ibid.).
K.H.H. discovered ‘a kind of cockney “Guys and Dolls” in some ways’, offering ‘life in the raw’, with an emphasis on sexual adventure (Liverpool Echo, 4 November 1965, p. 2). They wanted more hope, feeling Dunn’s play was devoid of it, also noting how ‘surprised and embarrassed’ Dunn was in the phone-in section of Late Night Line-Up, talking to viewers telling her it doesn’t happen in their street and such (ibid.).
B.L. typically admired the play’s ‘vitality’ but expressed irritation at its ‘formlessness’, ‘strident background music’ and ‘sudden camera switches’ (Belfast Telegraph, 4 November 1965, p. 13). They found it ‘a haunting, horrifying picture’ of these people’s lives, who just carry on cheerfully (ibid.).
Peggie Phillips felt it was ‘almost totally destructive, sordid and alienating in its view of working-class English women’, with the only ‘benefit to be gained’ its ‘frightening propaganda against abortion’ (The Scotsman, 4 November 1965, p. 7). Phillips bemoaned Dunn’s ‘small and dingy view of life’, and questioned the BBC Director, Television, Kenneth Adam’s words against cosiness: ‘A few more consequences like this and the livingroom will need fumigation’ (ibid.). Four days later, Phillips returned to her attack, having the gall to call the BBC ‘anti-prudes’ ‘officious’ while also implying support for censorship: wanting youngsters not to be shown ‘such drab details on Sex’, which would lead them away from ‘the pleasures of matrimony and parenthood’ (The Scotsman, 8 November 1965, 5).
In stark contrast, far further south, Michael Unger was amazed by its realism: ‘Every word, every line and every action hung in the air and was engulfed in the powerful, raw and witty actions of the three anti-heroines, ending with ‘Magnificent’ in a single word sentence (Reading Evening Post, 4 November 1965, p. 2). In the Midlands, Sheila McGregor felt the play provided ‘magnificent television’, centring on characters who ‘refused to give in to their appalling surroundings’, while avoiding any ‘romanticised portrait of slum living’ (Birmingham Post, Midland Magazine, 6 November 1965, p. IV).
Jim Webber felt the documentary aesthetics made the programme open to criticism for not accurately representing all of Battersea life, and not just ‘three girls and their background’ (Bristol Evening Post, 6 November 1965, p. 5). The ‘authoress’ Dunn, on LNL-U is said to have explained she was concerned with ‘a specific section of the Battersea population, who did live in this way, talk in this manner, and act thus’ (ibid.). This article blethered somewhat boringly on – and on – with its concerns about the blurring of the lines between fact and fiction.
Alf McCreary noted that Dunn’s play was ‘a racy exposee of “life in the raw”’, which was frank but unlikely to shock a television generation weaned on the material they had been used to over the past five years (Belfast Telegraph, Ireland’s Saturday Night, 6 November 1965, p. 8). Rather typically, McCreary questioned the material, but acclaimed the production as ‘a television tour de force’, only questioning ‘the appearance of one fat, greasy actress who plays the same type of middle-aged Cockney matron in every film or television play I happen to watch’ (ibid.).
Uniquely – to the best of my knowledge – this was the first Wednesday Play to have been reviewed overseas. Otta. in US magazine Variety, sagely notes it had been ‘Much, and falsely, abused for concentrating on the seamy side of life at the expense of sugar-and-spice’, while praising ‘a forthright, pungent and fruitily phrased study’, which ‘had much of the immediacy of a documentary, but with the selectivity appropriate to drama’ (10 November 1965, p. 52). Otta. shrewdly noted the characters’ sense of ‘non-involvement’, and ‘zestful capacity for survival’, acclaiming a ‘fascinating, moving, and true montage of incidents, building up to a celebration of life as it is, rather than as pink spectacles would make it’ (ibid.).
The play elicited considerably more coverage outside of reviews than we’ve seen for any Wednesday Play so far, exceeding even John Hopkins’s two earlier 1965 dramas.
The Halifax Daily Courier and Guardian (4 November 1965, p. 1) carried a front page story thus:
Whitehouse claimed it made promiscuity normal, not facing the issue it already was normal for many people in British society, while arguing young people were being ‘exploited for the indulgence of dirty minds’ and linking it with a wider decadence she saw furthered in Monday’s Twenty-four Hours (ibid.). The Torbay Herald Express (4 November 1965, p. 3), Wolverhampton Express and Star (4 November 1965, p. 23) and Lincolnshire Echo (4 November 1965, p. 1) all carried highly similar copy:
The Daily Telegraph carried a short piece noting Ken Loach’s claim on Late Night Line-Up that they wanted to show ‘the terrible nature of abortion’, while also noting the BBC had revealed its duty officer had been ‘besieged’ with phone calls from viewers after the play’s broadcast (4 November 1965, p. 19). Brian Dean in the Daily Mail quantified this as ‘a record number of protest calls from viewers’: yet, merely, ‘hundreds’, which contained throughout the night after the play and all day yesterday (5 November 1965, p. 11). This article stressed how Whitehouse wanted Kenneth Robinson to meet a delegation, while BBC officials are said to ‘expect Mr. Michael Peacock, head of BBC 1’ to call an internal meeting (ibid.).
John Edwards and Richard Sear wrote a double page spread in the Daily Mirror; Edwards’s piece was somewhat Rod Liddle-esque doorstop journalism technique of visiting Winstanley Road and the Winstanley Arms boozer – ‘where [apparently] some of authoress Nell Dunn’s action took place’ (5 November 1965, pp. 16-17). Pub manager George Murphy reports a lot of anger against the play, while Daisy Lewis, 75, and Amy Martin ‘glowered behind their spectacles’ and use violent invective: ‘Abortions and whoring in Battersea? That Miss Dunn wants knocking on the head’ (ibid.). However, a more nuanced picture is at least clarified: at Garton Glucose factory in Clapham Junction, the men were said to be split 50:50 between those who liked and disliked it and none of the teenagers interviewed were bothered by the abortion scene or ‘free love’ depicted, with Rita Priest, 14, noting ‘There are girls like them knocking around the clubs, with others finding Clapham’s representation ‘pretty sexy’ (ibid.).
Interviewed by Sear, Nell Dunn insisted her writing ‘suggests things for people’s own interpretation’, which is unquestionably true of a play that was polysemic, as audience and critical reception attests (ibid.). The article claims Dunn herself was threatened by ‘phone calls’, sadly unsurprisingly given that Lewis and Martin weren’t alone in their vile attitudes, and she is said to have taken her phone off the hook on 3 November itself (ibid.). The piece recounts how Dunn and Sandford bought a house in Battersea in 1959 and installed a phone and bath, both of which they let many neighbours use due to their lack of such amenities in their own homes (ibid.). Dunn worked for several moments in a sweet factory for 2s. 5d. an hour, and her own humane attitude comes across:
To me the girls I wrote about were tremendous.
Some of them were called ‘slags’ – meaning that they were free and easy with their love. They had marvellous energy.
God knows, if most girls lived up to their standards, the world would be a gayer place. (ibid.)
Dunn also noted how she amalgamated characters from life, with some sections fictionalised, and the Tallyman chapter ‘came from life’, within a whole work aiming to ‘expose the hardships of working class life’ (ibid.).
‘Staffman’ stoutly defended Up the Junction in the Lincolnshire Echo for its sobering depiction of abortion and how the play was ‘anything but the product of a dirty mind’ (5 November 1965, p. 8). They felt the overall effect was ‘surely to scare the impressionable away from loose living’, which, ironically, is a main object of the Clean-Up TV campaigners…
Wolverhampton Express and Star reported a very real Parliamentary brouhaha gearing up, with Conservative MP for Birmingham Selly Oak, Harold Garden planning to table a question next week for minister Kenneth Robinson about how he had replied to Whitehouse’s aforementioned letter (5 November 1965, p. 25). Other groups, including the Catholic Teachers Federation and a group of Birmingham doctors were said to be lending the CUTV campaign their support, attacking the BBC for ‘highlighting moral laxity as normality’, with the latter group pressuring the BMA to put pressure on the BBC (ibid.). A group of women members of the North Hendon Conservative Association at Edgware passed a motion deploring ‘the moral standards now being set by the B.B.C. in TV programmes publicising sex, crime and lawlessness, of which ‘Up the Junction’ was the most recent and shocking example.’ (Belfast News Letter, 6 November 1965, p. 6). The Daily Mail clarified that the 20 Midlands doctors taking a lead in the protests were headed by Birmingham’s Medical Officer of Health, Dr Ernest Millar (6 November 1965, p. 9). Another signatory was Dr David Sturdy, while MP Sir Ian Orr-Ewing is said to have attended the Edgware meeting (Nottingham Guardian Journal, 6 November 1965, p. 5).
The Gossiper questioned their colleague Staffman on earlier praise for Up the Junction, saying: ‘television being fireside home entertainment, it should arrive for a higher level than this’, tiresomely adding that ‘lavatory pan’ would be an apter term than ‘kitchen sink’ to describe it, while damning the play’s characters as ‘illiterates’ (Lincolnshire Echo, 6 November 1965, p. 4). Alan Stewart of the Glasgow Sunday Post denied the play was ‘high drama’, describing ‘a sleazy sequence’ – in his own mind – ‘on a girl who had gone to a back-street abortionist’ (7 November 1965, p. 12). A highly-pro Whitehouse article in her relatively local tag, the Wolverhampton Express and Star conflated the play with a BBC programme on birth control clinics for “unmarrieds” at Birmingham and tried to give credence to a risible comment from an unnamed MP describing Whitehouse as ‘a modern Chartist, demanding from the communicators in 1965 what was demanded – and won – from politicians in the 1830s’ (6 November 1965, p. 16).
Taking a different tone, the Daily Mirror advertised on its front page the next SundayMirror‘s serialisation of Dunn’s original book, repeating three times: ‘IT WAS VULGAR. IT WAS RAW. IT WAS LIFE’ (6 November 1965, p. 1).
Columnist Peter Dundas railed against watching ‘silly wee lassies in Battersea […] who’re interested only in sex every other night of the week’, arguing it should have been cut altogether (Glasgow Sunday Mail, 7 November 1965, p. 10). Interestingly, Dundas interviewed producer James MacTaggart, who defended the play this:
I would hate to feel that I was responsible for adversely affecting a young viewer.
I don’t think that ‘Up the Junction’ was shocking or that it gave the impression that Britain is full of good time girls like the ones from Battersea.
We tried to show that a pity it is that there are girls involved in a way of life like this. We want people to understand them – and to have compassion for them.
Some Westerns shock me more than plausible like ‘Up the Junction’ (ibid.).
Dundas remained unconvinced, and the piece was flanked by Marjory Gaston, of Station Road, Neilston and Billy Cullen, 17, of Linnhe Crescent, Wishaw, who find it did not match the youngsters they knew or was ‘distorted and not true to life’ (ibid.).
The Reading Evening Post went so far as to contain a binary debate on the question: ‘Do we see too much of the seamy side?’ (11 November 1965, p. 10). John Fielding argued for, with Rodney Tyler, spectacled, against. Fielding opposed as he felt that, like John Cleland’s novel Fanny Hill (1748), centuries earlier, those claiming it had a high, cautionary moral message were being duplicitous (ibid.). In one sense, Fielding may have been right: Dunn clearly wasn’t intending to morally indict the people or acts being depicted, as her 5 November Mirror interview made clear. But this was no bad thing: it is very much Fielding revealing his own snobbish prejudices when he feels he is watching something that is communicating that ‘people are immoral, fat, sweaty, perverted, ugly, foul-mouthed, lecherous, lying and avaricious’ (ibid.). So few press critics seemed to get that the Tallyman was the only individual being presented as bad by the play. Tyler more wisely commented that it was the technique of immersing us in the Clapham Junction life, not the play’s events themselves, that ‘shocked’ viewers, but then claimed watching is good so that we know ‘the seven deadly sins before’ preaching them (ibid.). However, Tyler shrewdly then reflected that Dunn was not forwarding a moral or immoral perspective, showing and not commenting, and rightly critiqued critics’ absurd attacks on being confronted with realistic language and behaviours, which had ignored the play’s actual communicative content (ibid.).
While Tyler had a concern that this play’s brilliant techniques could be used by a future Hitler, he extolled how ‘The BBC has not gone too far, for it is the purpose of drama to push back the barriers and to explore reality’:
I would rather have a thousand honest “Up the Junctions” to every Dixon of Dock Green or Lockhart, or night at the Stars and Garters on TV. They corrupt far more insidiously by distorting reality in a good cause.
They show a false fake world where human beings are like clockwork dummies and they help to keep the Mary Whitehouses of this world quiet, deluded and ignorant (ibid.).
Reading was a place awash with wise words on Up the Junction, as subsequent viewer letters will show!
Dunn’s plotless narrative was clearly commonly recognised: Shirley Lord in the London Evening News and Star noted how its ‘batch of candid camera shots’ approach applied also to Nik Cohn’s Market, a newly published book with ‘some frank close-ups’ (12 November 1965, p. 4).
Norman Phelps claimed that both the moderniser and traditionalist camps have a point about this type of play, yet somewhat sided with the latter, claiming the ‘small screen has taken as much as it can stand of this particular kind of utterly frank, utterly uninhibited programme’ (Liverpool Daily Post, 13 November 1965, p. 5). Phelps rightly highlights how TV should try and ‘discover new angles’ and do more than ‘comfortable happy little serials’, while also feeling it has to sensitive to how it is a presence in people’s home spaces (ibid.). Phelps accommodated much of Tyler’s wise view, while still claiming it went too far, acidly noting that MacTaggart and Loach’s claim it was ‘partly intended as a moral warning’ was a mere ‘eleventh hour rationalisation’ (ibid.). I would argue that it was a somewhat nervous sop to the media climate of 1965. Phelps noted how Dunn seemed almost in tears at the fact people hadn’t liked the play, and called for an Ombudsman to inform programme makers ‘on how certain programmes might be expected generally to be received’ (ibid.).
Captain Henry Kerby, Conservative MP for Arundel and Shoreham, West Sussex, wrote in, admitting he hadn’t seen the play and could not contribute to the controversy aroused by Lockwood’s review, though he had read and re-read the book and claimed it was of ‘very considerable sociological importance’ as an insight into ‘the lives of “the other half”.’ (Daily Telegraph, 13 November 1965, p. 8). Kerby notes prudes can switch off TV sets, but would certainly be unwise to ‘snap the book shut’ (ibid.).
In a clear sign of Up the Junction’s mainstream appeal and controversial lightning rod status, parts of Nell Dunn’s original text were serialised over three editions of the Sunday Mirror (7 November, pp. 20-1; 14 November 1965, pp. 8-9; 21 November 1965, pp. 8-9). The first of these articles included an image of Dunn riding a bark in a dark urban tunnel flanked by a fine looking canine:
This Sunday Mirror story was previewed in the Daily Mirror (13 November 1965, p. 2):
A prominent front page comment story mused on Tynan uttering the f-word on the BBC at 11:19 pm on Saturday 13 November, noting how as a paper they had first published the word ‘Bloody’ in a War related headline on 1 June 1940: ‘BLOODY MARVELLOUS !’ (Daily Mirror, 17 November 1965, p. 1-2). They detailed how ‘blue-stocking’ ‘Miss’ Marghanita Laski had used five instances of four-letter words in a New Statesman article over the same weekend, writing about the new Penguin Dictionary, without using asterisks as they really preciously do in their article (ibid.). They tried to indicate the Sunday Mirror‘s daring in publishing the excerpts from Dunn’s original Up the Junction text, asking rhetorically whether they are ‘going too far’? then implicitly answering no: ‘morals change, times change, words change, people change. Maybe we shouldn’t take it all too seriously’ (ibid.). The piece ended with an apt dismissal of the moralists’ calls to sack Hugh Greene as DG and Tynan as literary director of the National Theatre, but did question Tynan’s language being used without warning and branded him a ‘theatrical show-off’ (ibid.). Thus, the tortuously convoluted passage of change in the mainstream world of 1965 was writ… colossal!
The pseudonymous “Hotline” felt the worst thing about Up the Junction was how its makers took ‘relish’ in this ‘flood of sex and gutter language [being] poured into our homes in the name of freedom and liberty of expression’ (Port Talbot Guardian, 19 November 1965, p. 10). Stolid conservative reaction follows, with a deputation to local MP John Morris planned and extensive listing of people involved, and how ‘over 100 MPs’ had approved the presentation to Parliament of over 250,000 signatures supporting Whitehouse’s Clean Up TV Campaign (ibid.).
The same day, Katharine Whitehorn reviewed Nell Dunn’s book Talking to Women in The Observer, extolling Dunn’s portrait of nine woman of a similar age to herself – including Ann Quin and Paddy Kitchen – ‘tigerish priestesses of spontaneity [who] have enormous vitality, enormous appeal’ (21 November 1965, p. 26). Whitehorn wanted a bit of external social context, as well as Dunn’s own opinions, contributions and conclusions, but still found it an ‘absorbing, teasing book’ (ibid.).
In a Leeds parish magazine, the Rev. Eric Porteous of St Mary the Virgin, Quarry Hill, stood up for the play, noting he had been a curate in Wimbledon Park, London, and seen all the events of the play:
This is life as it is for many people. We must not believe that life is only what we experience in the four walls of our own home (Guardian, 1 January 1966, p. 3).
Nesta Roberts noted how volunteer social workers among the Sidcup and Chislehurst Grammar School claimed that old people now feared the young:
The popular press and TV has given them the idea that we are a sort of ‘Up the Junction!’ generation, used to attacking old ladies in the street. If you knock on the door, perhaps not having had a haircut recently and wearing an old pair of jeans, they think you are going to attack them. (Guardian, 3 February 1966, p. 6).
The audience research report reveals this was the archetypal Wednesday Play in the sense of attaining a large audience – nearly one in five of the UK public – while also polarising opinion. 25% gave it the highest A+ score, a further 26% an A, while 12% gave it a low C and 17% the lowest C- score (VR/65/619). 20% were right in the middle, ranking it B. Its RI of 58, while fractionally below Play for Today’s, was somewhat higher than the overall average for The Wednesday Play, which, IIRC, was 55-56 or so (ibid.).
The more granular detail included that there was a group broadly sharing the morally affronted perspectives of the more cloistered critics, terming Up the Junction ‘Disgusting, degrading, and unnecessarily sordid’, with the emphasis on ‘sex and squalor’ giving what they felt was the false impression that Battersea was peopled by ‘teenage sluts, young hooligans and vulgar old harridans’ (ibid.). Notably, the report claims that those who doubted the play’s veracity were a small minority among the sample of viewers, with rather more among the negative group just not finding this reality entertaining (ibid.). Conversely, over half found it ‘compulsive viewing’, strongly admiring Dunn’s capturing of ‘the brave, gay defiance of ordinary men and women’, loving how there was no ‘obvious ‘message” (ibid.). One viewer called it ‘the nearest thing to real life I have ever seen on television’, attesting to the success of Loach and Garnett’s approach, immersing us in the feelings of everyday South London life (ibid.). Two particular individuals spoke eloquently to how it was reflecting neglected working-class experiences:
Anyone who complains about this programme is complaining about life itself’, declared an Electrician, while a Housewife concluded: ‘How can I be offended by a way of life I remember as a child? (ibid.)
Performances were broadly felt to be ‘amazingly natural and realistic – ‘terrifyingly so’, in some cases, with many even refusing to believe they were by actors! (ibid.). The excellent outdoor scenes were felt to be integrated smoothly with the studio interiors, though some viewers felt there were excessive close-ups and ‘unnecessarily loud background noise’ drowned out the dialogue (ibid.). While some were ‘disconcerted’ by the play’s unconventional structure, this did not become a groundswell of opinion, with others noting shrewdly that this distanced it from typical drama, though they felt it should have been specifically framed as a ‘dramatised documentary’ beforehand (ibid.).
Public letters published in the press included Percy C. Brown of Birmingham 23, who admired its realistic staging, but felt it was ‘an offence against public decency’, out-Hogarthing Hogarth ‘and the anatomy episodes were over-protracted’ (Birmingham Post, 5 November 1965, p. 6). A definite snobbery resounded:
Typical, alas, of much that goes on today in the lower strata of society, the majority of the scenes and episodes constituted a flagrant abuse of dramatic art, and an unsavoury reminder of the steel decline that has taken place in speech, manners and morality int eh last three decades. (ibid.)
A Mrs. A.M. of West Heath, Birmingham wrote to claim she had ‘nearly smashed the television to bits’ in anger, feeling very personally affronted that the representation of young people did not match her own family: her sons own a motorcycle, but don’t ‘go drinking in pubs. They go fishing every weekend and there must be thousands like them’ (Birmingham SundayMercury, 7 November 1965, p. 27). I’m sad to have to be acerbic here, but why did so many people seem to struggle with the idea of fiction that had a licence to depict groups of people different to many viewers’ direct experience?!
The Glasgow Sunday MailMagazine carried three letters on the play, a rare occasion a Wednesday Play headed this section of the paper (7 November 1965, p 16). James Duncan of Kirkintilloch Road assailed this ‘smut’, which was not ‘normal’, claiming dubiously some authority in being a teenager himself, while N. Lawson of 36 Castle Terrace, Edinburgh used the words ‘sordid’ and ‘drivel’, yes of course they did! (ibid.) Inevitably, our old mucker the Daily Mail signal boosted a similar Whitehouse acolyte from Wilberforce Road in Leicester, a Mrs B. Corby, decrying ‘filth’, yet above that carried a Mrs Joyce Thomson of Charlmont Road, Tooting, SW17, who praised its acting and righteously railed:
When are people going to wake up to the fact that sex is one of the basic enjoyments of life and always will be. I am not degenerate or weird. Just a happily married woman with a young daughter. (8 November 1965, p. 8)
Tooting celebrated freedom long before old Woolfie! At least if you just glanced at the press, you’d get the sense Mrs Johnson was outnumbered, but such is the persistent loud shouting of authoritarian conservative zealots.
In the first of several Daily Telegraph letters, Edna Stanway of Lymington, Hants, decried its depravity, then tellingly ended: ‘Is it too late to appeal for higher standards or must we leave it to the Communist countries who ban this type of decadence to carry forward the ideals of clean living and civilisation ?’ (8 November 1965, p. 12). Conversely, Tony Smythe of Reading found it ‘full-blooded, vivid, sympathetic and highly amusing’, slamming Lockwood’s partial review and claiming the characters were ‘a reasoned and fair proportion of the Clapham Junction scene (ibid.). Smythe, tired of a ‘surfeit of mournful seaside resorts and other kitchen sink dramas’ hoped that Lockwood’s comments wouldn’t discourage more dramas like Up the Junction (ibid.). An R.C. Grinham of London, SW11, backed up Smythe, claiming the dialogue was ‘studded with wit and shrewd observation – it was a giggle from beginning to end’ (ibid.).
Two letters in the Daily Mirror slammed the play. A Mrs H. Spalding chastised the Mirror’s TV critic for praising the play; while she was able to admit ‘some people do live in a disgusting manner’, the play made her ‘boil’, while a Mrs W. Delaney of London SW11 felt it unfairly depicted Battersea as ‘a cess-pool’; A. Humberstone of London EC1 was brief and tersely to the point: ‘Congratulations to the B.B.C. Let’s have more real-life plays for the people who live in reality’ (8 November 1965, p. 10). Unfortunately, then, many Northerners let the side down. W.L. Keighley of Ferndale, Blackley Road, Elland, backed up Whitehouse, feeling plays had been well worth watching in the mid-1950s, but decried how now the BBC persistently encouraged ‘the half-baked efforts of immature weirdies’ (Halifax DailyCourier & Guardian, 9 November 1965, p. 4).
Furthermore, ’57 Readers’ purporting to be ‘a group of responsible adult women of all ages, from all walks of life’ protested against a ‘vile and disgusting programme’ (Manchester Evening News &Chronicle, 10 November 1965, p. 3). They claimed to have considered sending a protest about other past plays, but this ‘all-time low standard’ spurred them to act: ‘we wish to censure any producer or head of department who passed this for public viewing’ (ibid.).
Conversely, two fine letters in the Reading Evening Post displayed level-headed Southern sense. G.G. Tate, of Birdhill Avenue, Reading, wryly noted how ‘This sort of life exists […] in most large towns and most intelligent people know this’, and that this sort of drama could actually do more good than ‘lectures’, while perceiving that the Whitehouse lot ‘do enjoy viewing disgustedly’ (9 November 1965, p. 8). A Mrs Frances Woollett of 22 Matthews Green Rd., Wokingham, turned some anger on Whitehouse herself: ‘I refuse to let her speak on my behalf. By whose authority does this woman appoint herself watchdog?’ (ibid.). Meanwhile, Rhoda Fraser, of 5 Scotland Street, Edinburgh, demolished Peggie Phillips’s review for missing the point of a ‘brilliant slice of life’, with ‘a great warmth of feeling’ towards its characters, and how ‘the warm seediness of the old borough’ was ‘giving way to the cold, high blocks of flats (The Scotsman, 9 November 1965, p. 8). This is a great letter, showing wisdom that Phillips was writing from a blinded ‘genteel’ perspective; Fraser fully got the play in a way few of the critics did:
The participants’ engagement in life, their “knocking” of out-of-touch officialdom, their search for love, their tolerance and their awareness of the threat of the H-bomb were surely all rich and positive qualities. (ibid.)
Meanwhile, an extensive discussion continued in the Wolverhampton Express and Star (10 November 1965, p. 12). P.R. Skidmore felt the BBC should encourage ‘that which is pure, and that which is right, and that which is holy’, but was outnumbered by ‘Tiger Wallace’, who claimed near pornographic books and some films would corrupt far more than Up the Junction, and by a certain Richard James Whitehouse, of Northwood Park, Wolverhampton, who followed up on his 6 November letter. This other Whitehouse discerned a cautionary message about careful driving, terming the play ‘a masterpiece created by brilliant teamwork’ (ibid.).
The Gossiper notes a housewife writing to tell them that highly educated white collar boys in Lincoln got up to similar behaviour – ‘All night parties, moonlight bathing (when the weather permits), week-end orgies etc.’ (Lincolnshire Echo, 11 November 1965, p. 3). She seems to feel they aren’t as open as the Battersea women, ending: ‘I am not condemning them – only wish I was young enough to join them…’ (ibid.).
A ‘Hans Christian Andersen Reader’ claimed not to have a TV, but found discussions of Dunn’s ‘sordid epic’ interesting, ending with a call to accept sex, but just as a small part of our lives, without ‘dirty sniggering’ (Leicester Mercury, 12 November 1965, p. 4). Barrington Roberts of Walberton, West Sussex rather snobbishly set themselves above the fray of those Telegraph correspondents who had viewed it, and passionately argued for or against the play’s merits, patronising them all as being alike as ‘a captive audience’ like that desired by advertisers (Daily Telegraph, 12 November 1965, p. 16).
Mrs V. Colebrook of Hastings, East Sussex reflected, obviously but necessarily, that ‘No doubt there are many people in Battersea who are not a bit like the people in the play […] But just because they are not is no reason to deny such lively characters exist’ (Daily Mirror, 12 November 1965, p. 10).
David Boulton of Elstead, Surrey wisely objected to the ‘Miss Stanways of this world telling me what will or will not corrupt me’, referring back to the previously outnumbered Edna Stanway letter of 8 November (Daily Telegraph, 16 November 1965, p. 21). This gradual backlash of good sense in the Daily Telegraph pages – despite apparent reactionary missives from “Peter Simple” [Michael Wharton] is significant: showing Tory England was far from uncomplicatedly aligned with Mary Whitehouse.
Furthermore, it is worth reflecting that a mere 0.005% of the estimated audience phoned into the BBC duty log about the play – and I don’t yet have evidence these were all necessarily negative calls – while fewer than this wrote into the press to complain. By and large, I estimate over 5 million people liked or really liked Up the Junction, with maybe 2.5 million disliking or hating it, to varying degrees, and 1.7 million being more mixed or neutral.
Academic Madeleine Macmurraugh-Kavanagh felt viewers had misread Garnett’s intent about abortion, those being positive towards the play feeling it was a chilling warning against abortion itself rather than a pro-abortion piece which indicted women being compelled to have backstreet abortions; she also noted how Loach and Garnett learned from this polysemic ambiguity, subsequently making Cathy ComeHome crystal clear in all respects (op. cit., pp. 253-4). While I’d argue that Macmurraugh-Kavanagh is overly emphasising the negative minority’s misreading of the text, it clearly did make Up the Junction a complex, divisive text, where Cathy would provide unifying through its Theatre Workshop style blend of Brechtian distancing and Dickensian sentimentality.
At a Conference to herald the January 1966 Wednesday Play run, starting with The Boneyard, BBC Head of Plays Michael Bakewell led from the front in noting that of the 9.5 million who had watched the controversial play, 400 had ‘registered their embarrassment’ (Guardian, 4 January 1966, p. 2). Notably, James Green had earlier noted how the postbag initially contained letters ‘all viciously in protest. But letters arriving two or three days later are less biased and often favourable to the programme’ (London Evening News and Star, 18 November 1965, p. 11). Mary Whitehouse was to have her very first TV appearance on 24 November, following a confrontation in the pages of the Daily Mirror with progressive campaigner Avril Fox and Harrow New Town Councillor, who along with seven like-minded women, is said to have kicked off an anti-Whitehouse ‘freedom for TV’ campaign with a letter to the New Statesman on 19 November.
Asa Briggs – who listed Up the Junction as one of his four landmark Wednesday Plays or Plays for Today from 1964-74 – records that there were 460 telephone calls to the BBC about the play, and that it sharply divided the audience (1995, pp. 522, 1013-75). Yet, as we have seen it had many strong public and media defenders, and the play quickly became canonised. In April 1966, Troy Kennedy Martin felt it had lifted drama ‘out of the rut and makes nonsense of the idea that television is only a poor relation of theatre or film’, claiming it was better than any British film of 1965 and more important than any play seen in the theatre (Contrast, p. 137). Martin noted how rare it was that directors in TV were given the time to develop like Loach had been, from Teletale onwards; he situated Loach alongside Peter Watkins (1935-2025 RIP), as directors whose works ‘explode out from the run of the mill material (ibid., p. 139). Martin also identified how Loach was getting viewers to feel rather than think, praising how he
uses sound to carry the momentum of a play. Girls chattering up stairs, noises, pop music, an overheard conversation about a gasworks, wild sound and crystal clear snatched phrases, statistics all provide the movement while the camera punches out the meaning. (ibid.)
In terms of journalistic urgency, historian Christopher Bray made the most significant claims of all, arguing that Up theJunction influenced the 1967 Abortion Act, which legalized abortion through the NHS (2014, p. 245). Within a month of the play’s broadcast, politician Lord Stonham cited it in a debate as exposing the grim reality faced by young women forced into illegal abortions. The discussion also highlighted class inequality – wealthy women could pay for safer procedures while the poor suffered most. The 1967 Act finally ended this injustice, passed by the Commons in July that year and coming into force on 27 April 1968. (Apparently, the BBC stopped a planned 1966 repeat due to the political sensitivities; a subject I will need to return to when I have more time, as the cuttings I have located primarily tackle the immediate aftermath of the original broadcast…)
Ken Loach won a Craft award for Drama for his work in directing Up the Junction at the Guild of Television Producers and Directors in 1966-7. A feature-film was subsequently made; this was directed by Peter Collinson – just before The Italian Job (1969) – and written by Roger Smith, of Wednesday Play fame. This BHE Films production was distributed by Paramount Pictures and ran just under two hours. It was passed for release by the BBFC with an X certificate on 15 September 1967. A 2008 Paramount DVD release attained a 12 for ‘moderate language, sex references and abortion theme’. The film was apparently a commercial success, but received mixed critical notices.
The play was cemented even more in the national consciousness when London band Squeeze recorded ‘Up the Junction’, inspired by and which alluded to the Wednesday Play, released as single on 18 May 1979, two weeks after Margaret Thatcher’s Tories won the general election. Thus, it quickly assumed a mood of nostalgia for Swinging mid-Sixties Britain, unquestionably a time of some optimism in comparison to 1979-84, when the Second Cold War, the Afghanistan War, theocracy in Iran, Thatcher’s cruel capitalist restoration and dread at nuclear war were all experienced.
I haven’t the time to do a full survey of the extensive academic coverage the play received. Julian Petley noted how Worsley’s critique of the play’s blending of fact and fiction directly echoed that old BBC force Grace Wyndham Goldie’s attacks on Peter Watkins’s The War Game in the Sunday Telegraph (in McKnight (ed.), Agent of Challenge and Defiance: The Films of Ken Loach, 1997, p. 28). The most extensive coverage is in John Caughie (2000, pp. 114-20), Jacob Leigh 2002: 39-46 and John Hill (2011, pp. 36-50).
Idiotically, the BBC Four repeat on Wednesday 18 January 2025 was prefaced by the announcer claiming Dennis Waterman and Maureen Lipman were in it, getting haplessly confused with Peter Collinson’s 1968 film version.
Finally, we must return to what this play says about how times were changing. Christopher Bray put it very well, about 1965:
And so while over the succeeding half century our culture has fallen prey to sporadic outbursts of censoriousness, the people of Britain have shown no interest in undoing the good, liberating work of 1965. They know there is no going back to that mythical vision of a world before the fall. And they know that anyone who imagines he can take them back needs watching very carefully. (op. cit., p. 245)
— Many thanks to John Williams for supplying the 100 press cuttings (yes, 100 exactly!) that made the extent of this article possible. Thanks also go to Juliette Jones for professional transcription of my interview with Linda McCarthy, and to Linda McCarthy herself for spending time talking with me.
If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂
The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.
This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all Wednesday Plays up to the end of 1965, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis. A selected number of plays from 1966-1970 will be covered.
03.03: A Designing Woman (BBC One, Wednesday 27 October 1965) 9:00 – 10:15pm Directed by Brian Parker; Written by Julia Jones; Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Roy Oxley; Music by Norman Kay
Our latest Wednesday Play to recover for posterity is Julia Jones’s A Designing Woman.
The Liverpool Daily Post previewed what ‘promises to be the feminine equivalent of “Billy Liar”. The woman didn’t mean any harm, but she just had to blab’ (23 October 1965, p. 6). A.B. was hopeful A Designing Woman would be good, as writer Julia Jones’s The Navigators from TWP’s second run, earlier in 1965, was ‘one of the most delightful TV plays I have ever seen’ (Leicester Mercury, 27 October 1965, p. 28).
The play concerns shy, gentle housewife Milly (Rhoda Lewis), who cannot tell the truth and isn’t a good liar (Staffordshire Evening Sentinel, 27 October 1965, p. 6). Again, Tony Garnett previewed the play, stating that Milly and husband George live in a tiny semi-detached somewhere in Lancashire, and that Milly has feelings deep down which tell her to keep lying, to express herself (Radio Times, 21 October 1965, p. 43). Garnett describes Jones as living a settled family life in a London suburb, and that he trusted her with the very bare idea she had – less than a synopsis – due to the success of The Navigators. He felt this play, directed by strand regular Brian Parker, was ‘delicate’, ‘very funny and moving’ (ibid.)
In A Designing Woman she [Julia Jones] again reveals how extraordinary ordinary people are. In fact she shows that there is no such thing as an ordinary person (ibid.).
This is another where no copy exists to watch, so I’ll have to swiftly move on to the facts about its broadcast and reception.
Audience size: 8.96 million
Share of overall TV viewing audience: 64.4%
The opposition: BBC2 (New Release / The Vintage Years of Hollywood: Now and Forever [1956]), ITV (News / Frank Ifield Sings / Crime and the Bent Society: 1 – The Face of Villainy)
Now and Forever seems, probably, to be a British film directed by Mario Zampi, not from ‘Hollywood’.
Audience Reaction Index: 67%
Reviewed in London press publications consulted: 21.4%
Reception: Largely this was well liked by two-thirds and disliked by a third of critics, with little appreciable difference between London and other critics. There was a similar paucity in the number of reviews too, odd given the play’s wide popularity with viewers. The large audience largely loved a modest, telling and quietly emotive domestic comedy.
Peter Black regretted that he did not see the whole play, but saw enough ‘to confirm my view that the author is a born entertainer’, after admiring her previous ‘pleasant’ Wednesday Play comedy, The Navigators (Daily Mail, 28 October 1965, p. 3).
Lyn Lockwood diverged from the general admiration for Julia Jones by claiming to be ‘in a minority in finding her latest North Country domestic comedy too much of a snail’s pace’, with pauses and realistic dialogue ‘running the play down to a dead stop’ (Daily Telegraph, 28 October 1965, p. 19). While she liked Rhoda Lewis’s ‘suppressed young housewife’, Lockwood bemoaned Reginald Marsh’s Uncle Arthur as a ‘ponderous […] caricature of a police sergeant’, with the actor occasionally giving ‘the impression of being caught by the cameras in slow motion’ (ibid.).
Frederick Laws found ‘more pleasure’ in Jones’s piece than in another Northern writer Keith Dewhurst’s The Siege of Manchester (The Listener, 11 November 1965, p. 771). Laws loved a modest play with a ‘practical plot, elegantly timed comedy’, with ‘lovely fat parts’ all brilliantly acted, being ‘pitifully grateful for a brief play as well made as a good short story’ (ibid.).
Among non-London critics, A.B. went even further, proclaiming Julia Jones a BBC find: a ‘star writer’, indeed (Leicester Mercury, 28 October 1965, p. 29). While not having The Navigators’ novelty, this was still ‘a delight to watch’, and they liked how it confounded some audience members’ received ideas of what is realistic (ibid.). This play mixed ‘realism and fantasy, tragedy and humour’, and would please more open-minded viewers, aided by Marsh and Lewis’s ‘wonderful exactness of movement and speech’ (ibid.). There was even an ending ‘hilarious and sad’, simultaneously, making A.B. decry how the BBC repeats perceived low caliber comedies by Eric Sykes and Harry Worth above repeating quality plays like this (ibid.).
N.G.P. felt it worked due to Jones’s ‘interesting and fully rounded characters (Liverpool Daily Post, 28 October 1965, p. 3). They loved Marsh’s sly scheming to enliven his retirement by luring the wife Milly away, all worthy of ‘a Field Marshall planning a great campaign’, and also Rhoda Lewis and Margery Withers’s playing which added ‘to the sense of comedy in depth’ (ibid.).
Furthermore, the ending ‘really surprised’; while it all felt somewhat over-stretched, ‘This was one of those plays which managed to be homely without being trite, and which are seen too rarely on the small screen’ (ibid.).
Down south, Michael Unger notes how the play ‘smacked at the rigid conventions that bound’ the lives of the play’s South Lancashire characters, in a locale where ‘everyone hates each other’s guts yet puts on a façade of pleasantness’ (Reading Evening Post, 28 October 1965, p. 2). Unger felt it was as dull as the characters, and ‘dragged abominably, like the slow Northern accents the actors were wearing’ and claimed to have counted ‘n’ amount of suitable endings long before it had wrapped up (ibid.).
The audience response was much warmer than towards The Girl Who Loved Robots, and exceeded even that towards Alice. It was ‘just the sort of story’ viewers ‘liked to see enacted on screens’: a quiet domestic comedy, which also had ‘distinction and originality’ (VR/65/599). Jones’s play was admired for its clear, conventional structure, and for being ‘really rather touching in places’, with its ending of Milly ’emerging triumphantly’ satisfying most viewers (ibid.). A small minority felt bored by the dialogue’s ‘leisurely pace’, with others questioning realism due to not feeling they’d ever met anyone like these characters (ibid.).
Yet, overall, most wanted to have Julia Jones, like her play’s main protagonist, ‘at it again’ writing for TV: showing a major success of The Wednesday Play’s openness and nurturing nature (ibid.). Viewers loved Rhoda Lewis’s performance, an unfamiliar, new face, with a wonderful ‘stillness and tranquility so rarely seen today’; John Collin, Reginald Marsh and Margery Winters were all praised (ibid.). A few felt that Marsh had overdone Arthur, the ‘slow, ponderous type of policeman’, though more felt he was a ‘joy’ and the performance would long remain in their minds (ibid.). The production itself was felt to have backed up an entertaining piece ‘in a wholly competent and suitable manner’ (ibid.).
In the press, letter writer E. Gilham of Bexleyheath, Kent, felt the play ‘brought such a refreshing breath of air to Television’, describing Rhoda Lewis as Milly as ‘certainly a lovely girl’ (Sunday Mirror, 31 October 1965, p. 22).
It is such a shame that this doesn’t exist in the archives; as Simon Farquhar has argued, Julia Jones is part of the key Play for Today tradition of small scale, moving human storytelling: her early works would shed great light on a crucial, 36-year screenwriting career.
If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂
The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.
This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all Wednesday Plays up to the end of 1965, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis. A selected number of plays from 1966-1970 will be covered.
03.02: The Girl Who Loved Robots (BBC One, Wednesday 20 October 1965) 9:00 – 10:30pm Directed by Brian Parker; Written by Peter Everett; Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Douglas Smith; Music by Cornelius Cardew
A policeman’s hunt for a murderer leads him into a strange and threatening world. (Daily Mail, 20 October 1965, p. 20)
This next Wednesday Play first figured in the press in a vein of mild levity. In September, the Daily Mirror had a jokey short article ‘Isobel – the robot lover’, discussing how actress ‘Isobel Black, 22’, was left with one robot to love, after eight of the nine which were built for the production vanished in dress rehearsals on 9 September: “I think they walked out on us”, Black is quoted (10 September 1965, p. 7).
In the Daily Express, Black claimed: “I’ve lost my little monsters”, with the BBC quoted as claiming seven of the eight robots were missing – which Black termed “darling little things – they wander all over the place” (10 September 1965, p. 11). The piece ended with a similarly lighthearted call to ‘Ring the BBC’ if you see any wandering robots (ibid.).
The Observer previewed The Girl Who Loved Robots as a ‘thriller’ ‘set among the glittering world of space-men and rockets’ by 34 year-old writer Peter Everett, noting his ‘prize-winning’ novel, Negatives (1964). Like other papers, the Staffordshire Evening Sentinel carried a photo of Isobel Black (20 October 1965, p. 6). Coventry Evening Telegraph trailed a ‘space-age thriller’ set in 1970, wherein ‘human machines coolly’ await ‘the countdown’: during ‘these tense moments’, the ‘mystery is solved’ (20 October 1965, p. 2). Adrian R. Purslow had not been impressed by the previous week’s Alice, failing to spot its ‘motive’, and feeling the series ‘continues on Trial’ with Everett’s play (Rochdale Observer, 20 October 1965, p. 9).
This contrasted with story editor Tony Garnett’s account of Peter Everett as a ‘young, very hip’ writer, with ‘wild, brilliant’ and coveted prize-winning novels which he and fellow story editor Kenith Trodd knew (Radio Times, 14 October 1965, p. 49). Trodd ‘tracked him down to Camden Town’, just as Everett was off to Spain ‘to make a film with the eminent director Claude Chabrol’, and he persuaded Garnett and Trodd of an exciting idea for a TV play (ibid.).
19 year old Victory du Cann (Isobel Black) is a nightclub hostess: ‘She is beautiful. She is dead. Cause of death: murder. […] Assassin: unknown’ (ibid.) Somewhat wryly, Garnett noted that ‘Another casebook opens for Inspector Antrobus [Dudley Foster], and yet another sordid crime. It is all very unpleasant.’ (ibid.) Out of the window, Antrobus sees a futuristic world – five years hence – ‘a fabulous alloy empire’, with a rocket to be manned by three supermen-machines who ‘coolly await the final count-down’ (ibid.) Antrobus’s investigations were to lead him into ‘secret and threatening territory’, exploring why the girl was killed (ibid.).
Writer Peter Everett (1931-1999) was born in Hull and another of the many grammar school educated dramatists who worked on The Wednesday Play/Play for Today, and was apparently linked to varying degrees with Richard Hoggart – who taught at the local WEA – and Philip Larkin, according to Dan Franklin’s obituary. In the 1950s, he ‘evaded National Service by feigning insanity’ and hitchhiked to London and Soho for the ‘bohemian life’ (ibid.). He soon began writing poems that were published and radio plays broadcast on The Third Programme. His novel Negatives won the 1965 Somerset Maugham Award, and later became a 1968 feature-film directed by Peter Medak.
After three more novels and The Girl Who LovedRobots, he wrote and directed his own low-budget feature-film, Last of the Long-haired Boys (1968), wherein a Second World War pilot struggles to adapt to civilian life. This film was not released theatrically. Everett managed a run of four half-hour plays/films for the Thirty-Minute Theatre, Centre Play and Premiere strands from 1973-78, none of which I’ve yet seen.
When 50, Everett discovered Marx, being delighted now to have an all-purpose analytical tool to construct and deconstruct not just politics but paintings, books, architecture, religions’ (ibid.). He moved to Sheffield in 1984, the ideal place to ‘witness the last stand of the working class’, while a late resurgence was evident in several novels that Dan Franklin helped publish, including Matisse’s War (1995).
Franklin and writer Eric Coltart’s accounts of Everett indicate a cantankerous, skint bohemian, raging at the literary business and maintaining his grit and integrity; in his meeting with Hollywood film producer Sam Spiegel (1901-1985), he would not lie and compromise when asked his favourite recent movie, naming a Godard film – and thus being ‘given the bum’s rush’, in Coltart’s words (ibid.).
The Claude Chabrol project clearly does not seem to have come about.
None of the press coverage highlights the involvement of musician Cornelius Cardew (1936-1981), who worked with Stockhausen, then followed a Godardian path towards politically revolutionary ideas, indeed becoming in 1979 a co-founder of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Britain (Marxist–Leninist), rejecting Maoism and endorsing Hoxhaism, after the Albanian dictator. Cardew wanted his music to communicate widely to the people, hence rejecting the more elite tendencies of modernist musique concrete. His music for this play might have been more in the Forbidden Planet vein, who knows?
I cannot assess this production as no copy exists in the archives, though it’s another to follow the early Wednesday Play’s customary pattern of being androcentric: a cast of 15 is 80% male, including varied, powerful presences like Kevin Stoney, Norman Rodway and Geoffrey Hinsliff. The ‘girl’ in the title is dead, seemingly from the off.
Audience size: 7.08 million
Share of overall TV viewing audience: 42.9%
The opposition: BBC2 (Teach-in on Rhodesia from Edinburgh University), ITV (News / Frank IfieldSings / A Question of Loyalty: Klaus Fuchs)
Admirable scheduling there on BBC Two: threehours of a Teach-in concerning Ian Smith’s racist regime in Rhodesia, from 8-11pm.
Audience Reaction Index: 47%
Reviewed in London press publications consulted: 21.4%
Reception: Everett’s Wednesday Play received scant, and mixed, responses from London critics, while pleasing non-metropolitan journalists rather more, by and large. A large audience reacted in a typically mixed fashion, if somewhat more negative than average.
Maurice Richardson liked an ‘ambitious production’ and ‘an ingenious plot: arrogant astronaut […] had coshed a tart – motivation obscure; dedicated detective was forcibly prevented from arresting him by order of the space project boss’ (The Observer, 24 October 1965, p. 25). However, ‘a lot of the embroidery was so corny and illogical’ and he felt the dialogue was rich in ‘that new advertising copywriter’s style which is becoming the rage among TV playwrights’, with ‘prize’ lines like “She liked the smell of outer space on her men” (ibid.).
Philip Purser worried that his taste was incompatible with Wednesday Play producer James MacTaggart’s, criticising ‘a nervous itchy to be swinging and with-it’, exemplified by new opening titles with ‘a model in Ungaro gear unloading a portable television set from a helicopter, like a fashion magazine saluting the Age of Technology’ (Sunday Telegraph, 24 October 1965, p. 15). Purser enjoyed how this was ‘the first TV. play I’ve seen to try to capture some of the romance, the prodigious adventurousness, of space exploration’ and unusually questioned ‘the role of the astronaut as a superman’ and mocked ‘the circus atmosphere of a launching’ (ibid.).
Purser loved the particularity of this and an Ancient Mariner-like veteran astronaut character, but quickly became irritated by its low-budget and old, recycled newsreel footage: ‘there was the usual attempt to pass off Southall gasworks (I think) as a corner of a multi-million pounds rocket site. Furthermore, he questioned ‘the ponderous formality’ of much dialogue and felt a ‘basic disinterest (or even disbelief) in the characters themselves’ (ibid.). Anticipating Norman Rodway in the Play for Today Baby Blues (1973), his character here was a ‘callous ranter’, while the murdered girl ‘was no more than a pretty face and figure’, and he was unconvinced by the detective and another ‘whore”s attempts to ‘drum up pity for her’ (ibid.). Purser felt overall that it lacked drama.
Patrick Skene Catling found it one of the year’s most interesting plays, with universal symbolism (Punch, 27 October 1965, p. 620). Catling liked how Thelonius Monk’s ‘richly neurotic’ rendition of ‘Just A Gigolo’ established ‘the mood of insanely selfish sexuality that dominated the story’, feeling Norman Rodway as the astronaut, Isobel Black ‘as the prostitute murderee’ and Dudley Foster as the police detective were all ‘excellent’. While David Dodimead as a failed astronaut ran a brothel and gambling hell near the launching side and ‘made vividly nasty speeches of Genet disillusionment (ibid.). Catling felt in tune with the play’s invective:
There were some poetic excesses in the dialogue, but the level of outrage was admirably even, and powerful language was needed to express the author’s powerful ideas about mad, exultant technocrats with Messiah complexes, and a public conditioned to adore blast-offs as though they were the ecstatic climaxes of some sort of intergalactic Ready,Steady, Go! (ibid.)
Argus in the Glasgow Daily Record liked an intriguing twist, but felt the play was ‘spoiled by a dialogue too technical and obscure’, with the murder aspect downgraded compared to the drama of the rocket shoot (21 October 1965, p. 10). Usefully given the play’s archival absence, they outline an early ‘prolonged’ shot of ‘girl’s battered body followed by the horrific close-up of a man’s badly burned face’ (ibid.).
John Tilley was heartened by a good detective story, with fresh writer Everett producing a ‘winner’ (The [Newcastle upon Tyne] Journal, 21 October 1965, p. 5). Tilley perceived a theme of the astronauts’ detached arrogance, feeling themselves ‘demi-gods’ and the sadly hapless position of Foster’s detective: ‘What chance does a policeman have when he wants to halt a moonshot which all the nation is watching?’ (ibid.). Tilley calls Foster one of his favourite TV ‘character actors’, and he liked the morally ambiguous ending, with the suspect getting away in the rocket (ibid.).
Peter Forth felt it a ‘strange story’, with Foster ‘effective’ as ‘an ordinary, decent man faced by an extraordinary set of suspects – seven astronauts, three of whom were about to be launched at the moon’ (Western Daily Press, 21 October 1965, p. 7). Rodway was ‘splendid’ as the ‘monomaniac with an overwhelming power complex’, aiding ‘a grand, weird, out-of-this-world play’ (ibid.).
The audience response was below par. A Dairyman was ‘perplexed’, with others’ antipathy summarised by the words ‘pretentious’ and ‘mumbo-jumbo’, despite being an initially welcomed ‘space age ‘who-dun-it” (VR/65/587). An anti-climactic ending, ‘unreal’ situations and characters and a generally boring approach, with more talk than plot or action, were all indicted; while a Chemical Engineer felt trained astronauts would not be ‘so stupid as the characters in this play’ (ibid.).
However, a substantial minority found it an interesting, thought-provoking and ‘refreshingly different’ play, with tension and an ‘adult style’:
The danger of elevating men to Superman status was very apparent as was the necessity to maintain acceptable moral values (ibid.).
Others mused on the ‘disturbing but absorbing’ scenario of science being raised above human law (ibid.). A fair few other viewers were in the middle, between the play’s advocates and detractors, being intrigued but also disliking its ‘moralistic arguments’ (ibid.). The report edged toward negative, with castigation of ‘boring monologues, especially from irrelevant characters like Carfritz, padded out the whole tedious affair’ (ibid.).
Among actors, Dudley Foster was often praised, with some exacting critique of the production, with the rocket site resembling more an oil refinery, while too much cross-cutting between scenes and to newsreel was also disliked, though some felt newsreel and, especially, cuts to crowd reactions, lent authenticity (ibid.). Most critiqued in the production was Cornelius Cardew’s incidental music – ‘loud, discordant and, at times, most distracting’ – with a comment veering into philistine Matthew Parris territory: ‘sounded like a five year old tinkering with the piano’ (ibid.).
There was one letter to the press. J. Rolland, of 5 Pembroke Street, Glasgow, C.3, wrote in to acclaim a ‘classic thriller’: ‘I’ve never been more intrigued or horrified by a play’, which possessed ‘blood and thunder, horror and a terrifying ending’ (Glasgow Sunday Mail, 24 October 1965, p. 16). Gripped, Rolland felt sure it would get an “X” certificate in the cinema (ibid.).
While this is clearly one of the least remembered or garlanded Wednesday Plays, it would as always be a fascinating historical window into 1965, and it’s annoying that we can’t access its potential insights or longueurs!
If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂
The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.
This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all Wednesday Plays up to the end of 1965, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis. A selected number of plays from 1966-1970 will be covered.
03.01: Alice (BBC One, Wednesday 13 October 1965) 9:05 – 10:20pm Directed by Gareth Davies; Written by Dennis Potter; Lewis Carroll (books); Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Michael Wield; Music by Peter Greenwell
A relatively rare front page Radio Times feature for The Wednesday Play or Play for Today…
The play, set in the Oxford of 100 years ago, started slowly with a long sequence of shots of college architecture which led me to expect that John Betjeman would walk in and tell us all about it. Unfortunately he did not. (Western Daily Press, 14 October 1965, p. 7).
I’m fascinated, with Dodgson, how considerable art can come from repression. (Dennis Potter in 1983, speaking of his film Dreamchild; cited in Humphrey Carpenter, 1998, p. 177).
Welcome back! Series 3 of The Wednesday Play was coming into being as The Wednesday Thriller – which I didn’t bother assessing – was airing over the summer ‘break’. As Ian Greaves, David Rolinson and John Williams’s excellent endnotes to their collection of Potter’s non-fiction clarify, location material was shot from 21-28 August 1965, while studio dates fell on 14-16 September 1965 (Dennis Potter: The Art of Invective – Selected Non-Fiction 1953-94, 2015, p. 338). According to Humphrey Carpenter (1998, p. 158), writer Dennis Potter, already highly prolific, was paid £750 for Alice, a play centring on Charles Dodgson and the Liddell family and their influence on his creation – as Lewis Carroll – of Alice in Wonderland a century ago.
The first mention in press cuttings I’ve located concerning Alice predates the shoot: noting that John Saunders would be appearing as the March Hare ‘in a play dealing with the life of Lewis Carroll’ (The Stage and Television Today, 5 August 1965, p. 11). The Radio Times billing was to indicate that Thornton was played by John Steiner, who ‘appears by permission of the Royal Shakespeare Theatre Company’ (7 October 1965, page unclear).
Dennis Potter’s play was to tell the story of how Charles Dodgson ‘came to write his classic’ Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (1865); this preview claims the Oxford don ‘came alive […] IN THE company of the little girl to whom he told stories’, but who ‘”died” a little in the shadows of his lonely room’ (Liverpool Echo, 9 October 1965, p. 2). Previewer Ken Hankins termed Dodgson ‘a strangely complex personality’, in a play which opens a season of 13, starting George Baker as Dodgson and Deborah Watling as Alice (Peterborough Evening Telegraph, 9 October 1965, page unclear).
Glasgow’s Daily Record‘s basic preview claimed the scene ‘is set with a rowing boat sailing slowly down the river’, as stuttering clergyman Dodgson tells Alice his tales (13 October 1965, p. 15). The Hartlepool Northern Daily Mail also featured a – different – photo of Rosalie Crutchley, playing Mrs. Liddell, looking imposing with her long, serious face (13 October 1965, p. 3). The Staffordshire Evening Sentinel was one of two West Midlands papers to note that the previous Wednesday Play series reached an average audience of 7.5 million, while previewing this new play, set in 1860s Oxford: ‘a gentle story’ dealing with ‘the anguish behind the magic’ (13 October 1965, p. 6). This preview also claims that director Gareth Davies ‘took his camera to Oxford to capture the lyrical authenticity of an England at peace with itself’ (ibid.).
Geoff Lane noted how The Wednesday Play’s previous series’ audiences were ‘well outside the normal catchment for straight drama’, though that despite this success, he found the season ‘a hotch-potch, lacking any overall theme or direction’ (Wolverhampton Express and Star, 13 October 1965, p. 11). Notably, Lane claims the 13 new plays are ‘designed to appeal to all tastes’, having ‘a common approach to life, that of the documentary’ – surely emphasising Tony Garnett’s fresh input (ibid.).
Garnett, the strand’s story editor, noted how excited he and others in the team were about the new series: ‘In office and pub, late into the night and through marathon weekends, I have enjoyed the company of a number of Britain’s most stimulating writers’, some new to TV, others previous Wednesday Play discoveries or established writers joining for the first time (Radio Times, 7 October 1965, p. 47). Garnett claimed ‘Each week will be a surprise’, given how ‘individual’ each writer is, and that, contrary to what Lane implies, ‘the series will not run to a set formula – pace, style, setting, and subject will vary from week to week’ (ibid.).
However, Garnett claims there are commonalities:
Whether we are in the year 1865 or 1970, in a mining village or an Oxford college, with an aristocrat or an astronaut, we shall try to face things as they really are. We are not in the wish-fulfilment business. We will try to show the real hopes and conflicts of some ordinary – and some extraordinary – people, honestly and directly (ibid.).
Garnett claims that they will need to break rules, and while not setting out to offend, ‘we may be provocative – but out of compassion that comes from a concern for human beings. We invite you to join us and hope you will be with us every Wednesday (ibid.). This is crucially hedged humanistic language, rather than confrontational Marxism: much likelier therefore to engage the average Radio Times reader.
Echoing Garnett, Geoff Lane’s preview (op. cit.) goes on:
The aim is to find the drama of real life, in the street and in the home; escapism and sentimentality will definitely be avoided by all the contributors. This does not mean a season of kitchen-sinks – the plays will be about extraordinary as well as ordinary people, and the settings may be historical.
Alice is one of these, delving ‘into the strange and contradictory circumstances’ in which Dodgson’s storytelling began (ibid.). Potter’s second Wednesday Play was promoted by a Radio Times front page photograph of Deborah Watling in the foreground with a blurry rustic landscape behind her (7 October 1965, p. 1). Watling, 17 when this was shot and broadcast, would later play another Victorian, Victoria Waterfield, as travelling companion of Patrick Troughton’s Second Doctor in Doctor Who in 1967-68.
Jack Bell in the Daily Mirror interviewed Potter, who was “a bit worried about how people will react. As a book, Alice seems to rank second only to the Bible. When we started recording some of the studio staff said that we shouldn’t do this to Dodgson, that we should leave him alone.” (13 October 1965, p. 18). Potter is said to show Dodgson as ‘a celibate – and repressed – clergyman with a bad stutter and a fear of women’; himself noting that Alice was the only ‘love’ of his life and that as she grew up; “his books deteriorated. And when she married an undergraduate, he gave up the one hobby he was good at, photography. He obviously suffered tremendous disappointment and rage.” (ibid.).
George Baker as Charles Dodgson
Potter based his play on Dodgson’s diaries, while Bell notes Mrs Liddell destroyed his letters to her daughter Alice; the playwright notes his subject “couldn’t stand talking to adult women” and was “a very prudish man who would storm out of the theatre if anything questionable was said on stage” (ibid.). Potter claims his aim was simply to “know more about the author” of “one of the best-written books ever.” (ibid.).
Tony Garnett noted how the play asked why Dodgson seems ‘so downcast in spirit, so anxious to cling to the moment?’ when he is with Alice, and that the answers are ‘moving and unexpected’ (op. cit.). He notes Potter’s ‘tenderness and understanding, bringing alive the public world of the Mad Hatter and the private world of its creator’, and how it will surprise those who have long loved the books, and ‘might move’ those who have dismissed them ‘as mere yarns designed to keep the children quiet’ (ibid.).
Before outlining my own responses to Alice, here is Dennis Potter expert John Cook’s interpretive commentary, inspired by watching the play again recently.
John Cook writes: On the surface, a period drama, set amongst the sleepy Oxford spires of one hundred years earlier, hardly seems to have been the most appropriate way to kick off the 1965 run of The Wednesday Play following its summer break. This was about as far from ‘agitational contemporaneity’ – the words Head of BBC TV Drama Sydney Newman would later use in the press to characterise the overall tone of The Wednesday Play slot – as you could possibly get. But look closer and one sees the challenge and the provocation underlying the comfortable period surroundings and the cut-glass accents – that ‘authentic lump of white gristle’ (The Sun, 15 February 1968) lurking within the evening’s bland TV viewing which Dennis Potter would come to prize about The Wednesday Play.
For at the heart of Potter’s second transmitted TV play is a worry: was one of the greatest works of imagination in the history of English literature really the product of a closet paedophile ? Here, the play walks a careful knife-edge both in terms of scripting and performance. Was the Reverend Charles L Dodgson, real-life Lewis Carroll, simply an odd eccentric of the Victorian age – a man who wished to arrest time ? Perhaps this is the reason why, in the play, he loves to capture little girls through photography before they change and grow up and why he rails against any modernisation to his beloved Christ Church College, Oxford, where he has spent his life as a mathematics tutor. Or is there something darker? Why does Dodgson talk about ‘marriage’ at one point in the play with ten year old Alice Liddell, daughter of the Dean of Christ Church college and real-life model for his ‘Alice’ in Alice in Wonderland?
And why does Alice’s mother worry so much about the relationship she burns Dodgson’s many letters to her daughter? Is there a hidden darkness beneath Dodgson’s visions of the ‘wonderland’ of childhood? Or is it the so-called ‘adult’ world which is the dark place, with its constant suspicions and instant judgments about the behaviours and motives of others who in the end are simply different? The key line of the play is when Mrs Liddell stares out of her window at night, her image reflected back in the window pane, and says she has never liked to look from a lighted room into the dark because the reflection comes between you and the dark outside: ‘You have to be in the dark yourself to see into the black out there’.
These were themes disturbing and uncomfortable for 1965 – even more so now. This is why Alice (in spite of some dated aspects to direction and performance, especially the realisation of the fantasy scenes from Alice in Wonderland) remains an affecting play to watch here. It is best viewed alongside Potter’s feature film Dreamchild (dir.: Gavin Millar, 1985), which was released almost exactly twenty years later. Here, Potter revisited the events from Alice but this time from the perspective of Alice Liddell when, as an eighty year old, she sails to America in 1932 to receive an honorary degree from Columbia University in recognition of being the inspiration for Alice in Wonderland but who through this process finds herself troubled by the same dark adult suspicions about whether Dodgson’s intentions for her were really ‘pure’. In the course of the film, the elderly Alice has to take a journey inside her own memories and Dodgson’s imagination (via scenes from Alice in Wonderland expertly recreated by Jim Henson’s Creatures Workshop) to try to find some answers and gain some form of emotional closure. This she succeeds in doing, finally realising at the end that Dodgson’s work was indeed created out of a genuine innocent love for her as a gift to ensure her immortality.
Written twenty years earlier, in a splurge of creativity as he seized his newly discovered ‘vocation’ as a television playwright (notebooks in the Potter Archive show contemporaneous drafting with Stand Up, Nigel Barton), Alice therefore looks forward to and foreshadows many of the major themes that would later come to define Dennis Potter as a writer: the worlds of fantasy and non-naturalism; the interrelations between life and fiction; childhood and innocence but also the spectre of adult sexual abuse out of that innocence. Already, Alice seethes with these themes in ways that might have made it seem odd and uncharacteristic to those at the time who had previously seen Potter as principally a writer of political and social critique but which seem wholly characteristic and in keeping now.
Now, for my assessment of the play…
Rating: *** 1/2
This immerses you in Charles Dodgson’s distinctly unusual life and times, with a clear sense of a modernistic but nuanced 1965 lens on distant oddities and fundamental clashes – childhood/adulthood; tradition/change. Potter’s drama enables regular moments of excruciating awkwardness, making it clear how Dodgson’s stammer and his sexual repression (as according to the 1930s Freudian revisionist view of him, anyway) made him both apart from and a part of Victorian society.
The play goes a bit further than may seem wise in suggesting that he is repressing paedophilic urges towards Alice, given that evidence actually suggests he was attracted to adult women, but his socially conservative family subsequently excised these elements from his diaries, matching his own prudishness which Potter dramatised here. However, playwrights ought to have dramatic licence to portray long dead real people in whatever way they deem necessary, and Potter – himself a victim of sexual abuse in childhood – creates an unsettling, complexly ambiguous and fraught portrayal of a situation. Dodgson may be perceived to be doing good by sublimating his sexuality into his work; for once, Victorian hypocrisies and inhibitions helping. Or, he may simply be innocent in his intentions.
Overall, it remains a mystery exactly what his feelings were – and his sexuality – and it seems a total fool’s errand to use his photography as relevant ‘evidence’, given it was a standard Victorian aesthetic practice to – bizarrely to us today – feature nude children in Christmas cards and the like. A contested 2015 BBC documentary seems to have been blinded by Yewtree era hysteria in perceiving what was unlikely to be there, playing credence in one particular image which there’s no evidence is even linked with Dodgson.
Potter incisively portrays social frostiness and the Liddells’ well-to-do distant family life as being just as strange as Dodgson, himself termed “a rum sort” and “a loony” at different points. It’s made implicitly clear that Rosalie Crutchley’s mother is an influence on Dodgson for the Queen of Hearts – relating to his oddly possessive view of Alice – yet we also sympathise with her sensitivity to what might be really going on, and her loneliness, with her husband utterly mired in dulling habits. Her husband, the Dean Liddell, also brilliantly played by the excellent David Langton, is deeply attuned to the institutional politics of Oxford University, and advances a nominally “progressive” view, favouring changes to buildings and infrastructural improvements. This is admirable in context, compared with Dodgson’s utterly stubborn desire that nothing ever changes: wanting time pickled in aspic. But the Dean’s lack of attentiveness to his wife and daughters seems utterly arrogant and detached: symbolising the Victorian man of public affairs whose private sphere is simply an appendage.
The climactic picnic by the lake scene is devastatingly well written and played, revealing the diseased social imagination of practically all characters gathered. One of the young men, seemingly interested in the Liddell daughters, develops Alice’s scornful attitude to Irish labourers in an especially nasty vein. Alice herself finds this highly amusing and joins in with this gauche, venomous banter.
A conventionally rum ‘un!
Lorina is markedly more sympathetic in criticising them, but even this is merely from the perspective that their ‘Oirish’ impressions are not technically good.
Lorina Liddell (Tessa Wyatt)
The mother here shows how she has influenced her daughters’ social prejudices, part of the adult world that indeed deserves critique and needs remedy. Dodgson then stumbles pitifully through ‘The Mock Turtle’s Dance’: Potter’s drama clarifying how adrift he is in his innocence, and making you feel for him more than if the family and male posho hangers-on had been expressing a more refined worldly outlook. For me, this scene’s portrayal of Dodgson’s abashed innocence overrides the ambiguous darker hints elsewhere to strongly imply he is not a paedophile.
Overall, the effect is to show how they are all adrift in different ways. It does not need directly communicating how these idle rich prattlers are clearly offering much less that is socially useful than, say, Irish navvy labourers who built the UK’s railways.
Dodgson, too, is clearly made to seem a distant out-of-touch Tory in bemoaning anything “mechanical”, including trains – where he unhappily resides at the play’s bookending scenes – and seems implacably opposed to any changes that may make lives easier for the majority, or even update existing Oxford architecture. The way he speaks to the labourer on the ladder is absurdly offhand, showing the ingrained entitlement of his class, however awkwardly expressed.
Potter therefore satirises the whole of Oxford society, especially these principals, as staid and apt influences for Carroll’s gallery of nonsense-spouting, hidebound animals in Alice in Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass. He indicates that Carroll’s genius was in how Dodgson keenly observed patterns of behaviour and speech around him, and then converted them into entertaining, eccentric fantasy. He also shows how Carroll’s storytelling was, implicitly – perhaps unknown to Dodgson himself – self-critical: a queasy, yet necessary, outlet for a brilliant, but restless and addled mind marooned in childlike innocence and disturbed by changes in the material and intellectual worlds.
Gareth Davies, Potter’s customary director in the 1960s, handles the drama subtly. There are relatively long takes with necessary, occasional close-ups and camera movement, and the mise-en-scene displays Baker’s, Watling’s, Langton’s and Crutchley’s performances to best advantage.
Ibsenite naturalism, domestic gloom…
The latter pair’s distant domestic scene – where she burns Dodgson’s letters – is textbook Ibsenite naturalist staging rendered carefully clear to TV viewers. Editing is occasionally used with stylistic force, as when Dodgson expresses a rare, odd joy when he has sorted out his present to Alice (which he never gives, it being superseded by his gift of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland to her). The very abrupt cut from his glee has a harsh dissonance which mirrors, and further underscores, the play’s initial view of Dodgson’s suppressed urges.
I’d say, overall, this is a curiously overlooked play, absent from Wednesday Play canons, perhaps due to how it is extremely wince-making, comparably even to Abigail’sParty and The Office, but depicting a world far stranger and more temporally distant. This is one of Potter’s complex and intelligent dissections of the lines between an individual’s creative labour and their own lives. While it initially seems on the side of the 1930s revisionist view of Dodgson – which may have been Freudian projections of what was not there, or unlikely to be – it carefully does not preclude other interpretations, and indeed I am finally convinced of Dodgson’s innocence, even if he is an infuriating personage!
Fundamentally, Alice is also yet another Wednesday Play which undermines heroic myths. It also forwards a bleak view of Victorian life in Oxford at that time, exposing social coldness and distance, and how those favouring progress and those against it were both marred by their vast blind spots, domestically and publicly. It makes clear how the boat excursion where Dodgson first creates fantasy stories was a necessary historic moment, initiating one of the most powerfully surreal stories ever fashioned. Thus, while it is rather scathing about Dodgson as a man, Potter’s play pays tribute to his art – even if the extracts from it are a tad underpowered, and the play’s only main weakness.
Best performance: ROSALIE CRUTCHLEY
A brilliant lonely monologue, evoking King Lear and Samuel Beckett in its invocation of “nothing”
The playing is really well-judged throughout. As Dodgson, George Baker gives a performance of tremulous discomfort and headstrong priggishness. It must have been a tough ask to play, but he does an excellent job of evoking a strange, precious, precise and painfully upright middle-aged man, who is – rightly or wrongly in biographical terms – suffering from some form of arrested development.
Deborah Watling and Tessa Wyatt convey the performative Victorian ideal of young womanhood. David Langton is floridly confident and genial, anticipating his Upstairs, Downstairs character Richard Bellamy – his voice barely different – while also expertly enacting the Dean’s obliviousness and carelessness. Billy Russell has a grizzled charm early on as a working-class gardener.
Overall, I have to award it to Rosalie Crutchley, who ranges from blank Brechtian non-playing and Pinteresque elision to icy strength and brittle social callousness. Her performance is only mentioned by one of the many TV critics who assessed the play (none of them mention Langton!).
Best line: “Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland… [sighs] With inadequate drainage, no doubt…” (Dean Liddell).
David Langton delivers this very line
Audience size: 5.69 million
Share of overall TV viewing audience: 37.7%
The opposition: BBC-2 (New Release / The Vintage Years of Hollywood: The Bank Dick [1940]), ITV (News / Cliff and the Shadows / The House on the Beach)
Audience Reaction Index: 62%
Reviewed in London press publications consulted:
Reception: Broadly very positive, by the press in and outside London: one of the best received Wednesday Plays so far. One or two took more of an aversion to the unsavoury representation of Dodgson’s infatuation with Alice, but more tended to see this as an emotional attachment overstepping the mark. Viewers were also largely positive, but with some reservations.
An anonymous critic noted an attempt to ‘penetrate the world of the awkward, starting, puritanical mathematics don who called himself Lewis Carroll’ and was shown as ‘aware of but unreconciled to time’ in his too deep attachment to Alice Liddell (Times, 14 October 1965, p. 16). They perceptively described ‘a sad, sometimes painfully embarrassing play’, of ‘desolate power’ with Baker’s ‘bravura’ performance insisting ‘that the viewer squirmed with him’ (ibid.). They also acclaimed how Potter used Lorina’s climactic reading from Alice in Wonderland as ‘a singularly courageous piece of writing’ in context: emphasising Dodgson becoming reconciled to Alice growing into adolescence (ibid.).
Peter Black described a seemingly new Wednesday Play title sequence, which he felt was totally ‘incongruous’ in its contemporaneity to Potter’s ‘dramatised feature’ which followed (Daily Mail, 14 October 1965, p. 3). Black loved ‘the authentic magic’ of the dramatised excerpts from Carroll’s Alice… books, but felt the play lacked ‘tenderness and understanding’, with Alice compared to Lolita and Dodgson not emerging as credibly human (ibid.). He also felt that Oxford as depicted didn’t feel like it had a wider life beyond the ‘persons of the drama’ (ibid.). However, Black liked the ‘unexpected touch of wit’ in Maurice Hedley’s performance as Mr. Macmillan, the publisher, ‘got up to bear a striking likeness to his grandson, Harold’ Macmillan (ibid.).
Mary Crozier saw how Potter’s tale underlined Dodgson’s ‘sadness’, noting she would have liked more of his stories’ ‘absolute logic and conviction’, to leave a ‘heavy’ narrative of ‘loneliness’ (Guardian, 14 October 1965, p. 9). In contrast to Black, Crozier found it ‘sensitive and imaginative’, aided by ‘excellent photography’, with George Baker making Carroll ‘touching’ (ibid.). Crozier found Watling overly ‘mature’, like many juvenile leads at this time, while it was ‘odd’ how a rowing boat remained stationary as Carroll told his tale in 1862, though, overall director Davies ‘secured a quiet, unhurried mood’ (ibid.).
Lyn Lockwood would have liked more probing of Dodgson’s psychological ‘make-up’, feeling the dissolves into Alice in Wonderland extracts ‘intruded upon the mood that was being created’ (Daily Telegraph, 14 October 1965, p. 18). Yet, Lockwood felt the end sequence had ‘the spirit of melancholy, the atmosphere of time gone beyond recall’, being ‘beautifully and completely caught’ (ibid.). She felt Baker got much greater opportunity to act than usual, and regarded Watling’s performance as ‘charming’ (ibid.).
Sunday coverage included Maurice Richardson, who perceived that Dodgson’s ‘passion’ for Alice ‘appears to have been more or less sublimated’ (Observer, 17 October 1965, p. 25). Thus, he questioned Potter’s portrayal of Dodgson’s ‘barely repressed, volcanically smouldering paedophilia’, and Watling’s Alice being so ‘preposterously nubile and provocative that it was poor old Dodgson who stood in need of care and protection’ (ibid.). Richardson felt that Baker struggled manfully with his part, but that it wasn’t a ‘very happy exercise in documentary reconstruction’: ‘a desperate cloud of telly-vulgarity hung heavy’, and it was a misstep to include the scenes from the book (ibid.). However, he did like the interview scene between Carroll and Macmillan (ibid.).
While Maurice Wiggin didn’t see all the play, he felt able to express that “everyone” had found it beautiful and it was, with Baker’s Dodgson ‘one of those fully imaginative possessions, or re-possessions, which haunt the memory’ (Sunday Times, 17 October 1965, p. 49).
The play was quite widely reviewed outside London. Argus found it something ‘new, surprising and different’, fulfilling the strand’s promise via a ‘mature and moving drama’ (Glasgow Daily Record, 14 October 1965, p. 17). ‘It was juvenile yet sophisticated; profound yet fairy-like. A magnificent play which would have appealed equally to fans of “Watch With Mother” or followers of “BBC-3.” (ibid.). This most glowing review needed with a claim that, if this BBC quality was maintained, ‘ATV’s drama section will have something to worry about’ (ibid.).
Peggy Philips thought Alice a ‘beautifully written examination’ of Dodgson and the Liddells, with the script having ‘outstanding verbal precision’ and ‘poetry’ (The Scotsman, 14 October 1965, p. 7). The acting added to an ‘enthralling play, rich in sympathetic insight’:
going far beyond the dingy psychoanalytical into a personal tragedy which, contrary to the publisher’s estimate of “Alice in Wonderland,” was shown to be indeed “distilled out of some private agony.”
Philips saw Alice’s ‘brisk, unwitting cruelty that springs from a child’s innocent and careless view of adults’, with the play clarifying that ‘the tormented Mr Dodgson subconsciously avenged his wounds by making her so very disagreeable a little girl’ (ibid.). I would add that she is highly disagreeable already: in the climactic scene by the lake! In a highly positive end, Philips expects the Wednesday Play to ‘get a considerable audience’ if this standard is maintained (ibid.).
N.G.P. acclaimed its ‘strange, elusive sort of beauty’, noting Dodgson’s alternations between charm and ‘sudden moods of sulky silence or explosions of rage’ – and praised Baker and Watling as skilled and perfect interpreters. (Liverpool Echo, 14 October 1965, p. 3). In contrast to Richardson’s interpretation of clearly paedophilic urges, they felt it was ‘an “I wonder” rather than “I suspect”‘ scenario (ibid.).
K.H. found Baker’s performance the ‘highlight’, in a ‘revealing account of bitter-sweet moments’ in Dodgson’s life; a ‘skilful production, directed with a sensitive touch and played with sincerity by a talented cast’ (Peterborough Evening Telegraph, 14 October 1965, p. 2).
Peter Forth felt Deborah Watling was too old and a deliberately ‘flirtatious young miss rather than the innocent but forthright child who crossed swords with the March Hare and Humpty Dumpty’ (Western Daily Press, 14 October 1965, p. 7). Forth found Dodgson unappealing, ‘swinging between outright rudeness and a sugary kindliness when talking to the little girls’, with his ‘Long stares at Alice’ imparting an unsavoury ‘infatuation’ (ibid.). Backing Richardson’s interpretation, Forth felt Rosalie Crutchley’s mother’s suspicions were well-founded, though overall, felt the play was ‘Too slow, too long and very much too clever’ (ibid.).
Omnes regarded Alice as a ‘most sympathetic’ telling of the story behind Carroll’s masterwork, with Baker giving a ‘finely tuned in portrayal’, though the clips from the book again came in for stick (Huddersfield Daily Examiner, 16 October 1965, p. 5). Omnes felt there needed to more of these sequences to lighten the play’s heavy tone, or none at all, not the few we get (ibid.). In contrast to other readings of Watling’s Alice as a Lolita, she is ‘charmingly ingenuous’, and the play held out high hopes for the new Wednesday Play run (ibid.).
Geoffrey Lane found it a ‘moving, sometimes beautiful and often painful experience’ to watch (Wolverhampton Express and Star, 16 October 1965, p. 14). Again rather countering Richardson and Forth’s reading, he felt there was no ‘sexual innuendo and psychological booby-traps’, noting it was ‘too deep an emotional attachment to a child’ (ibid.). Lane acclaimed Baker’s ‘performance of brilliance and conviction’, highlighting his moments of ‘sudden eagerness’ as ‘striking’ and the great scene where he extemporised on Twinkle, Twinkle, Little Star (ibid.). Lane found the dramatised extracts from the novel as unfunny, slow and lacking in wit, but like a fair few other critics, liked the Oxford settings in the play’s main sections (ibid.). Oddly, he noted Alice’s ‘charm and coltish grace’, comparing her to a horse (ibid.).
The play had an impact, even for those who missed it! Elgin’s The Northern Scot and Morayand Nairn Express included correspondence with Mrs Georgie Christie of Blackhills, Lhanbryd, grand-niece of Dodgson, who was disappointed to have missed the play when it was on (16 October 1965, p. 6). Christie notes her father once met Carroll and she has letters she wrote to him, also recalling the actress Nancy Price gifted to her and her sister when children ‘the baby pig’ used in a London stage production of Alice in Wonderland (ibid.).
Alice elicited a relatively strong RI of 62, above mean averages for any overall Wednesday Play series, perhaps reflecting the popularity both of Carroll’s classic writing and of TV period dramas in general – the phrase ‘period charm’ appears in the audience report, oddly considering my own interpretation of its Victorian gloom and human awkwardness (VR/65/570). A critical mass of viewers acclaimed its ‘great sensitivity’ and its portrayal of ‘the background to the famous story [was] most appealing’, with Potter painting ‘a perceptive and moving portrait of the central figure’ Charles Dodgson (ibid.).
A fairly sizeable minority departed from this broadly ‘cordial response’. Funnily enough, a few are said to have never even liked Carroll’s classic, while other purportedly serious adults sneeringly felt the subject was hardly ‘stimulating fare for adults’ (ibid.). Most interestingly, others criticised Potter’s play as it was overly disturbing given their ‘fond recollections’ of Carroll’s tales: they found Dodgson a ‘tragic clown’ and felt ‘his attachment to the young girl seemed over-emphasised [which made] it rather unpleasant, and although known to be odd, he appeared altogether too eccentric almost foolish’; one viewer is quoted: ‘I cannot believe “Lewis Carroll” was such an inane person’ (ibid.).
Most viewers admired the acting, though a few echoed pro-realist press critiques that Deborah Watling ‘appeared too mature, modern and sophisticated’ – odd, considering Potter’s skilled depiction of her stereotypical prejudices in the climactic scene! (ibid.) Impressively, a fair few viewers had ‘special praise’ for Rosalie Crutchley’s portrayal; while there was a divided response to the acted scenes from Alice in Wonderland, many found them enjoyable, also liking the make-up (ibid.). Overall, the play and its production was broadly enjoyed, with settings and scenery aptly enabling one viewer’s immersion:
one could imagine oneself back in that era (ibid.).
Jonathan Miller’s remarkable Alice in Wonderland (BBC One, 28 December 1966) received a more ‘bi-modal’ reception, gaining an RI of 57 on its original broadcast and then an even more divided response of 50 when repeated in the late afternoon on Sunday 2 April 1967 (BBC WAC, VR/66/727 & VR/67/220).
In the Sunday Mirror, a Mrs C.M. Carter of London, SW17, wrote in to assert that she had been a maid, 58 years back, in the house next door to where Rev. Dodgson lived with his two maiden sisters in Guildford, Surrey (17 October 1965, p. 22). Carter claimed he ‘always’ carried a bag of sweets to give to every child he met, and how she ‘never thought then that his book would live on all these years after he had gone’ (ibid.).
J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd. advertised a new edition of both books to mark the centenary of Carroll’s classic, noting how Potter’s play had provided ‘some staggering publicity’ (Bookseller, 16 October 1965, p. 1868).
Subsequently, the play was repeated on BBC One on Wednesday 6 July 1966 at 9pm, up against a Bob Hope comedy feature-film, Nothing But the Truth (1941) on BBC Two and Dickie Valentine and Cilla Black on ITV. The Daily Mirror listings termed Carroll ‘an unhappy, lonely, eccentric figure’ (6 July 1966, p. 14). Well before the film Dreamchild, which John Cook highlighted, Alice was adapted for radio by Derek Hoddinott and transmitted on the BBC World Service on 17 June 1979, and later surfaced on BBC Radio 4 on 28 November 1979 under the Afternoon Theatre umbrella (Greaves, Rolinson & Williams eds. op. cit.).
If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂
Like Lewis’s previous book Don’t Stop the Music: A Year of Pop History, One Day at a Time this isn’t simply discrete nuggets of trivia, but is constructed in a way that enables the informed reader to spot patterns, make connections and gain a deeper sense of 1980s music history as a result. Lewis has extensive knowledge, curiosity and open-mindedness about music of all kinds, and his love for the art form shines through in a book which is precise and detailed, while being fervently passionate.
The more linear structure, from 1 Jan 1980 to 31 Dec 1989, works well, and the first and last entries form a wonderful bookend, especially as they pertain to perhaps my favourite UK #1 single of all time. Trends perceivable include the gradual rise of hip hop, house from Chicago and Detroit, music videos and the interrelation of adverts and popular music.
Lewis’s book reveals how, in the UK, Northerners did great work: in the North West, The Durutti Column, The Teardrop Explodes, The Fall, Half Man Half Biscuit, Echo and the Bunnymen, The Mighty Wah, Paul McCartney, The Smiths, New Order and Electronic, who Lewis understandably argues produced the culmination of Eighties music with ‘Getting Away with It’. The North East forces included Trevor Horn, Pet Shop Boys and Prefab Sprout, with Newcastle also inspiring The Dream Academy’s superb ‘Life in a Northern Town’. Key Yorkshire and Humberside acts included Everything But the Girl, The Housemartins, ABC, Heaven 17, the Human League and Warp Records, while Scotland delighted us with Aztec Camera, Orange Juice, Altered Images, The Proclaimers, Strawberry Switchblade and The Blue Nile. The Eurythmics, a Lewis favourite band, of course, blend Scottish and North East roots. Some crucial Black British artists emerged and thrived, like Imagination, Linx, Sade and Neneh Cherry, all given their due. What a decade!
Lewis has managed to mention all key popular acts of significance. Geniuses like Peter Gabriel, Kate Bush and Prince all rightly take a central place throughout, while it gave me more appreciation of Madonna’s developing role, leading to the vast ‘Like a Prayer’, on a par with ‘It’s A Sin’ in its magnificence. I’d personally have liked inclusion of somewhat more obscure propositions like New Musik, This Heat, Camberwell Now, Cabaret Voltaire, The Passage and Sudden Sway, not to mention indie disco pop delights from The Bodines and The Wake. And the tragic Marcel King should be part of the story. Viv Stanshall’s album Teddy Boys Don’t Knit (1981) is an omission, as is Lee Scratch Perry and Adrian Sherwood’s Time Boom X De Dead (1987)… But as with his previous book, Lewis’s efforts to detail music from around the world are impressive and commendable, and clearly not everything can be included in a book of under 300 pages!
Like Don’t Stop the Music, there is a rightly an unapologetic – and also non-didactic – inclusion of music’s political reach and impact. There is much of interest about the Cold War here – and Soviet and American abuses of human rights – and the dismal impacts of Thatcherism on the UK, unemployment and the Falklands (‘Shipbuilding’ is mentioned). But, towering above all else is the popular movement against apartheid in South Africa. Page 137 alone details the callous (Queen) and righteous (Microdisney) responses of musicians. Lewis details how Jerry Dammers’ uplifting Special AKA song ‘Nelson Mandela’ (1984) exceeded its creator’s intentions, making people ‘do much more about it than think’ (p. 100). In terms of personal, domestic political life, ‘The Boiler’ by Rhoda Dakar with the Special AKA and ‘Luka’ by Suzanne Vega stand out as two of the most crucial songs of the decade, in communicating the evil men do: rape and domestic abuse.
Overall, reading this, you will learn and laugh. You will need to exercise your noggin to see the historical narrative it is constructing of Eighties music and culture, and that’s no bad thing. Lewis is a careful, incisive chronicler of music lore, revealing a kaleidoscopic web of connections that made the 1980s a formidable and adventurous decade. (Oh, and I’m delighted to have listened to excellent early Run DMC albums as a result and to discover just how much of a neglected banger Chris Rea’s unlikely Balearic deep cut ‘Josephine’ is!)
Thanks to the publisher for an advance copy of this book that I’ve fully read before its 2 October publication. I’m looking forward to listening to the inevitable Spotify playlist!
This is an absolutely vital book, in that it felt like it comprehensively filled a notable gap in my existing knowledge: Black Northerners’ contributions to culture. Bakare reinstates Black figures like the award-winning dancer Caesar into the history of Northern Soul, while sensitively delineating significant figures as diverse as Claudette Johnson, Julian Agyeman, Ellery Hanley, Martin Offiah and George Evelyn, who I’d only tangentially been aware of at best.
This book also valuably exposes how Scotland was long in self denial about racism, but then eventually managed to pre-empt the serious cultural self-examination of the MacPherson Report south of the border, and made significant strides to a more enlightened path. Bakare ensures we grasp how David Oluwale (1930-1969) and Axmed Abuukar Sheekh (1960-1989) were murdered in Leeds and Edinburgh respectively, in horrifying racist attacks predating Stephen Lawrence’s (1974-1993) in London. Bakare necessarily decentres London, revealing a history both of racism and warm spaces of inclusion across Scotland, Wales and the English North and Midlands. Bakare also tellingly recounts the history of Black Liverpool activists tearing down the statue of pro-slavery MP William Huskisson in Toxteth in 1982, predating Colston’s timely descension and nautical sojourn in Bristol by 38 years.
The Wolverhampton Art Gallery, the Wigan Casino and the Reno nightclub in Manchester – facilitated by Phil Bagbotiwan, with Persian a key DJ – are among many spaces which Bakare reveals as enabling, contrasted with the exclusionary attitudes of many white people walking in the Lake District. God’s copper James Anderton figures as a persistent, Whitehousian villain, while Bakare discerns waves of urban regeneration in Liverpool, Manchester and Cardiff which initially had some progressive benefits, but there is a sense that the Heseltine-Blair era moves simply enabled capitalism to rebrand and move into new areas. Gentrification was the overwhelming human result, which means the sorts of urban radical togetherness of the 1960s-80s now feels a distant prospect.
Bakare pinpoints the Fifth Pan-African Congress occuring in Manchester on 15-21 October 1945 and how the attendees went onto be key figures in postwar African Independence movements. This perhaps left me wanting a bit more exploration of how these movements fared, amid the Cold War and progressive attempts to break the binary like Non-Alignment and the New International Economic Order – and how British Blacks related to this – but then that would require a book on its own to do that justice! There’s an expansiveness to the book that discerns pre-1945 eugenic racism finding its street manifestation in rioting in Cardiff and other cities. The Liverpool L8 and Tiger Bay chapters reveal the frightening reality that the best establishment figures were patronising paternalists, though, gradually the richness of multicultural life in these pioneer communities became clearer to more people, though was ill served by political decision makers.
A subterranean thread is how, despite Labour enabling an overdue upsurge in Black MPs in 1987, it would often be more mavericks like Tony Wilson who acted to break down boundaries and support intercultural exchange. Bakare recounts a fascinating press interview with Agyeman by William Deedes, which, alongside Jazzie B’s use of Thatcher’s Enterprise Allowance Scheme, shows how right-wing people could once engage and enable, if unwittingly in the latter case! Today, Reform fellow travellers openly and regularly demonise Black and Asian people and propound the dismal Great Replacement Conspiracy Theory, imported from rabid US racists. Instead, this book presents us with a plethora of persuasive, varied voices, with Stuart Hall and St. Clair Davis joining Agyeman and Johnson as some of the most crucial.
We Were There is meticulous, responsible and truly enlightening stuff. Bakare uses a mix of careful archival labour and oral history interviews of totally neglected figures whose stories needed capturing, to provide ballast for a sturdy, kaleidoscopic narrative. Bakare sensitively documents how, as in L8 and Tiger Bay, Black people have been here for a long time, while then extolling the vast range of cultural contributions across the whole UK from 1945-1990. This is story as righteous and entertaining corrective to so many of our risible, rickety ways of seeing and thinking today.
The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.
This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all existing plays up to Cathy, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis.
02.24: The Seven O’Clock Crunch (BBC One, Wednesday 30 June 1965) 9:25 – 10:40pm Directed by Toby Robertson; Written by David Stone; Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Frederick Knapman; Music by Carl Davis
Martin, married for three years, is beginning to hanker for the bachelor life again. (Daily Mirror, 30 June 1965, p. 12)
The first mention I’ve found of this play was that Ronald Curram would play Ivan Foster in it, and it was to be recorded on 16 June 1965 (TelevisionToday, 27 May 1965, p. 11). Martin (Peter Jeffrey) and Susan (Zena Walker) have been married for three years, and it is now breaking up, becoming ‘one long boring round of rows and bills’ (Coventry Evening Telegraph, 30 June 1965, p. 2). After ‘a boring dinner’ and ‘yet another argument’ (Hartlepool Northern Daily Mail, 30 June 1965, p. 3), Susan opts to walk out and Martin now wants to ‘recapture his gay, careless bachelor life – fast cars, beautiful women and night clubs’ (CET op. cit.). However, his friends have moved or are married, so he haplessly has to return to ‘his lonely flat – at seven o’clock’ (ibid.).
The same article highlights Peter Jeffrey being in an ITV play on Sunday; others returning to the Wednesday Play included Nigel Stock and Manfred Mann who played the ‘title music for this comedy’* (ibid.). The relatively few previews of David Stone’s play show little linguistic variation, a Staffordshire Evening Sentinel piece merely substituting ‘”mod chics”‘ [sic] for ‘beautiful women’, and includes a picture of Jan Waters, chauvinistically captioned: ‘an attractive reason for watching the B.B.C. Wednesday Play’ (30 June 1965, p. 8). There was a total lack of material concerning who the writer David Stone was, and the like.
(*This is presumably just meaning Mike Vickers’s overall musical ident for The Wednesday Play rather than a title song for The Seven O’ClockCrunch, but I’m happy to be corrected if anyone knows better…!)
Stone – who apparently suffered a premature death – wrote the screenplay for the Cold War drama Hide and Seek (1964), 7 episodes of Danger Man (1964-65) and, intriguingly made some contribution to Roman Polanski’s feature Repulsion (which debuted in London sixteen days earlier on 10 June 1965). I’ve watched this eerie film, recently: a nightmarish tale of urban loneliness and mental illness which has superb editing, sound design and a gallery of diffident, blase and nasty London characters. Repulsion, which cost as little as £95,000 to make, was presumably influenced by co-write Gerard Brach’s experiences with schizophrenia, and features dank, bleak interiors fashioned in Twickenham Studios.
Director Toby Robertson (1928-2012), here working on his second Wednesday Play, led the Prospect Theatre Company from 1964-78, nurturing the acting careers of Ian McKellen and Derek Jacobi among others.
Audience size: 5.94 million
Share of overall TV viewing audience: 48%
The opposition: BBC2 (The Likely Lads / Match ofthe Day / Festivals of Europe – Beethoven: Eugene Ormandy conducts Vienna Philharmonic Orch.), ITV (Des O’Connor Show / The Eartha KittShow / Redcap or Professional Wrestling)
Audience Reaction Index: 45%
Reviewed in London press publications consulted: c.35.7%
Reception: I’d say critics and viewers were similarly mixed, with a few strong advocates and somewhat more detractors, with some nuanced responses that liked elements of it but had reservations. There was something of a correlation with age: younger viewers and critics being somewhat likelier to enjoy it than older.
Lyn Lockwood noted that Martin was 34 years old and saw him as a hapless dreamer who should have been wanting to accomplish things, and saw this comedy as lacking in ‘wit’, finding Stone’s ‘television technique […] as jerky as the visual prologue to the Wednesday night plays, of which this was the last until the autumn’ (Daily Telegraph, 1 July 1965, p. 19).
Derek Malcolm, later the Guardian‘s very long-standing film critic, recalled Martin ‘wandering the big city eyeing the girls and puzzling as to why he can’t even talk to them any more after three years of marriage’ (Guardian, 1 July 1965, p. 9). An old friend Dennis offers Martin a woman in exchange for ‘what is left of his soul’, which Malcolm sees as Mephistophelean; even this Martin can’t manage and his ‘equally desperate wife returns to provide a solution to the episode’ (ibid.). Malcolm saw ‘Mrs Stone”s ‘perceptive’ writing and Toby Robertson’s ‘imaginative’ direction as creating ‘an ironic and unusually adult little comedy of despair’, with Jeffrey ‘excellent as the forlorn Martin who is brought to realise in the nick of time that two are generally better than one in an unfriendly world’ (ibid.). Apparently, Nigel Stock and Zena Walker ‘aided satisfactorily’ (ibid.).
Zena Walker, who would appear in the Plays for Today Baby Blues (1973) and C2H5OH (1980)
A critic, probably Kenneth Eastaugh, was bored, however, by a ‘sickly-smart play’, ‘non-sexy, non-everything, to mollify recent angry viewers’, finding the ‘jaded old marriage’ ‘routine’, well, routine (Daily Mirror, 2 July 1965, p. 14). Yet, Patrick Skene Catling initially enjoyed ‘a crisp, bright comedy about the temporary breakdown of a sad little would-be smartish London marriage’ (Punch, 7 July 1965, p. 28). Catling claimed Stone had written ‘some very readable novels’ and liked how this avoided emotion ‘by means of stylish, witty jeering’, giving further details that Martin is an office executive of some sort, ‘itchily envious of a goatish bachelor colleague’ (ibid.). He perceived Martin’s hapless, Billy Liar-like ‘reveries about sexual adventures that go wrong’, how he hopelessly seeks ‘solace in psychiatry’, is confronted by a television clergyman ‘and the bored ministration of a prostitute’ (ibid.). This culminates in loneliness, whisky and a reunion with his wife, which ‘achieves all the romantic exultation of a cigarette commercial’, leaving Catling feeling that ‘Mr. Stone had something more painfully intimate to say and that he should have said it’ (ibid.).
Frederick Laws felt it was a ‘mostly likeable variation on that ancient topic of the envy between married men and bachelors, with Susan’s photographer employer, an overworked doctor and ‘the reported ‘healthiness’ of unattached Australian girls’ all being funny (The Listener, 8 July 1965, p. 67). However, Laws felt the play especially guilty of a current TV drama tendency for characters’ thoughts to be shown in cutaways from dialogue: such ‘insets and inserts were far too many and held up proceedings’:
When a floozy in a nightie (was she real or not? I forget) said to our hero ‘I think you think a lot’, one could not but agree (ibid.).
Laws was one of several reviewers who much preferred Giles Cooper’s play, Unman, Wittering and Zigo (BBC Two, 27 June 1965), originally made for the radio, which he saw as sometimes unclear, but ‘great fun’ with John Sharp ‘magnificent’ as the ‘hopelessly unsuccessful schoolmaster’ (ibid.). David Hemmings was to play this role in Simon Raven and John Mackenzie’s 1971 feature-film adaptation, which I recall being rather good.
T.E. regarded this concluding play of the series as ‘a painfully slow business’, just going ‘on and on in a clever-clever way’, indulging a cameraman with ‘trick shots galore and so many rapid changes of scene that I wouldn’t have been surprised to come across the Keystone Cops caught in a serious mood’ (Belfast Telegraph, 1 July 1965, p. 9). T.E. scoffed at this ‘daring’ piece, putting that word in scare-quotes, while finding consolation in a very 1965 way: ‘The only commendable thing about it was the succession of pretty girls who flickered across the scene like competitors in a beauty queen contest’ (ibid.).
An anonymous Derby Evening Telegraph reviewer saw this as about a separation born of frustration at ‘the routine of their lives’, feeling annoyed at the insets and inserts and flashy camera flourishes, wanting something more ‘straight-forward that can be followed easily’ (1 July 1965, p. 5).
An interesting piece by Donald Zec located Stone’s play within a wider Hollywood and British cinema trend whereby sexual content was ramped up in 1965, mentioning a varied range of films – What’s New Pussycat?, Loving Couples, Darling, How to Murder Your Wife, MollFlanders, and the forthcoming Alfie – and contradicting the Mirror‘s reviewer by reflecting in a tone indicating cor: ‘And did you hear the bits of dialogue between Nigel Stock playing an amorous bachelor and Jan Waters a Mayfair model?’ (Glasgow Daily Record, 12 July 1965, p. 10).
The public reaction was mixed, if more positive than for And Did Those Feet?, say. A 45 RI saw 27% giving it the highest scores and 40% the lowest (BBC WAC, VR/65/349). This, from a Retired Insurance Officer, is held up as a characteristic response for the more negative group:
The play went from one boring scene to another. I could find no interest in any of the characters, and the whole thing seemed meaningless. (ibid.)
Viewers in this group saw its stale marriage theme as ‘lacking in novelty’, with muddled plot and ‘nit-wit’ characters; tellingly, a Retired Bank Manager criticised it as unreal in self-aware terms: ‘perhaps we are not “with-it”‘ (ibid.). This extended to a critique of it being ‘far too outspoken and sexy’, which indicates that Stone may have been aiming for another zeitgeist-infused play which ruffled feathers – even if it was seen as tame by others! (ibid.)
Many moderately enjoyed it, with a ‘minor group’ being ‘much attracted’ by a play which was ‘out of the rut, change from the humdrum’, and well-written and true-to-life (ibid.). Furthermore, it offered a rare tidy, and happy, ending (ibid.). Performances were admired. For one viewer, Peter Jeffrey ‘made me feel as miserable and uncertain as he was himself’ and several praised Nigel Stock: ‘seems right in every character he portrays’, though others questioned his casting as ‘a bachelor gay’ (ibid.).
Nigel Stock (L) as the ‘bachelor gay’! Peter Jeffrey (R)
Inevitably, ‘jerky’ or ‘gimmick-y’ camerawork elicited some rebukes, with a usefully very specific visual critique of ‘the constant view of characters through bottles and decanters’ being ‘a bit boring’ (ibid.). However, others liked ‘clever’ camerawork, alongside excellent settings and ‘eye-catching’ dresses (ibid.).
A Mrs R. Feremore of Highbury Road, Kings Heath, Birmingham called it ‘a delicious piece of nonsense […] at long last a first-rate modern comedy’, with Walker, Jeffrey and Stock ‘really excellent’, and desiring: ‘More of this escapism, please.’ (Sunday Mirror, 4 July 1965, p. 20)
My gut instinct on this one is that it wouldn’t be great or especially to my taste. However, as always it would be fascinating to see from a historical perspective and in many ways Stone seems to have come up with a composite typical Wednesday Play of the more domestic, less public, kind. Derek Malcolm’s enjoyment of it and the elusive David Stone’s presence as writer makes me think there’s a chance this might be similar to A Little Temptation, mixed with semi-Walter Mitty/Billy Liar pieces, but perhaps with some necessary 1965 edge: the counterculture infusing the mainstream.
In July, L. Marsland Gander recounted 1965 as a year where single plays had fought back and that BBC audience research pointed to ‘growing public interest’ in The Wednesday Play, which had gained an average audience of 7.5 million from January to June, below Z Cars and Gander’s favourite, Dr Finlay’s Casebook but very impressive for varied anthology work – indeed, James O’Connor’s two ‘crime play’ had matched DFC’s audiences (Daily Telegraph, 26 July 1965, p. 15). Gander noted how even a play with ‘extreme’ content, like Horror of Darkness had reached 8 million people and while baffled, many had stayed with The Interior Decorator (ibid.).
Interestingly, Gander claimed that ‘Few first-magnitude acting stars have been featured in these plays. The evidence is that the theme rather than the cast is the major influence on the size of audience’, while observing that the BBC already had 13 Wednesday Plays in preparation, by authors including Adrian Mitchell, Julia Jones and Dennis Potter (ibid.). He felt that the ITV strand Love Story was evidence the commercial competitor thought ‘theme and cast are equally important’, with 20 such plays lined up, including 15 British and ‘five foreign’ plays (ibid.).
Anyway, this is it for The Wednesday Play’s first lengthy series! I am frankly too bored by the prospect of covering the six Wednesday Thrillers in that summer 1965 strand to give that a go, having seen all three existing ones… This tallies with my desire for a break; but rest assured, I will back at least for the first few key Wednesday Plays of the autumn 1965 run.
If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂
If you have enjoyed reading these posts or have any thoughts or feelings at all about them, please let me know.
— Many thanks to John Williams for providing the press cuttings for this whole blog series so far.
The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), I feel it’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.
This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all existing plays up to Cathy, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without full textual analysis.
Unofficial #02: With Love and Tears (BBC One, Wednesday 23 June 1965) 9:25 – 10:40 pm
Directed by William Slater; Written by Colin Morris; Produced by Cedric Messina; Story Editor: James Brabazon; Designed by Trevor Williams
This article unavoidably quotes some offensive language in relation to people with learning disabilities: to contribute to an awareness of historical learning and language change.
This production was the second in Colin Morris’s Women in Crisis trilogy for the new BBC Two’s Theatre 625 strand, and was first mentioned in a trade press article (TelevisionToday, 18 June 1964, p. 12). On its original broadcast – exactly eighteen years before I was born – it was billed as ‘the tragedy of a mother with a subnormal child’ (Observer, 27 September 1964, p. 40). It was shown at 8.05pm and went up against the film noir Double Indemnity on BBC One and The Saint and Sunday Night at the London Palladium with Shirley Bassey on ITV.
Nigel Green and Katharine Blake play the “mentally handicapped” [sic] Peter’s (Alan Baulch) parents, Tim and Joanna Afton. Peter’s teenage sister Rhoda (Margot Robinson) is also a key character, negotiating Peter’s difference and relationship with her parents, while she herself grows up. We are presented with varied reactions from professionals and neighbours, which collectively show us the limited consciousness of the times.
Colin Morris (1916-1996) was a Liverpool-born playwright, screenwriter and actor best known for his staged and filmed comedy Reluctant Heroes (1950; 1952) and for a long standing professional association with Brian Rix farces. During his Second World War military service, he befriended war artist Edward Ardizzone and became an entertainments officer in Ensa. Morris’s Wikipedia entry omits his TV work. Inspired by Duncan Ross’s BBC documentaries, in 1954 he undertook a BBC training course alongside future luminaries David Attenborough and Huw Wheldon. Working with director Gilchrist Calder, sometimes at Lime Grove, Morris from the mid-1950s became a key creator of dramatised documentaries – or story documentaries – a movement where Ross, Michael Barry, Robert Barr and Caryl Doncaster were all also significant. Ewan MacColl, Peggy Seeger and Charles Parker’s eight Radio Ballads (BBC Radio, 1958-64) offered a similar thematic focus on ordinary people’s lives.
June Averill reveals – facts oddly absent from the press pre-publicity – that Morris’s research for WithLove and Tears was aided by the Society for Mentally Handicapped Children (later Mencap) (The Independent, 10 June 1996). Later, Morris was to be a regular Z Cars writer, and was involved in The Newcomers (1965-69), The Doctors (1969-72) and King of the River (1966-67), and after retiring from TV, worked as an unqualified social worker (ibid.).
Director William Slater (1932-2006) enjoyed a varied career, from directing Dr. Finlay’s Casebook (1962-65), Z Cars (1963), Adam Adamant Lives! (1966), a Nigel Kneale Wednesday Play Bam! Pow! Zap! (1969), Angels (1983), Emmerdale (1984-87), EastEnders (1985-89) and Jupiter Moon (1990) to producing Vendetta (1966-68), Michael J. Bird’s Who Pays the Ferryman? (1977) and James Mitchell’s series of eight plays about lost love, Goodbye Darling (1979-81). Producer Cedric Messina (1920-1993) – born, like actors Green and Blake, in South Africa – produced over 50 plays for Theatre 625 (1964-67) and would later be most associated with period-set theatre adaptations with ornate visual spectacle in interiors, as Billy Smart has analysed (see Wyver and Wrigley eds. 2022). Messina produced 86 plays for BBC Play of the Month (BBC One, 1965-83) over two decades and just under a third of The BBC Television Shakespeare (BBC Two) in 1978-80.
In June 1965, With Love and Tears got an unexpected repeat, replacing Dennis Potter’s scheduled Wednesday Play, Vote, Vote, Vote for Nigel Barton, which Sydney Newman and Huw Wheldon had agreed to postpone for ‘production reasons’, seen by an actor and another unnamed staff member as being due to an anticipated ‘rumpus’ due to it being ‘political dynamite’ (Daily Mirror, 24 June 1965, p. 4).
Rating *** / ****
This immerses you deeply in its single strand narrative, encouraging empathy with all concerned, definitely tilted towards the parents, but also not excluding Peter, the child who needs greater care, having a mental age of 4 when he is 9, and who a doctor tells us will never exceed a mental age of 7.
I felt this was a laudably open, honest and humanistic documentary drama. Words now unacceptable needed to be broadcast at this time publicly, to indicate the deeply felt societal revulsion: a pervasive prejudice which clearly affects parents like Joanna on a horribly everyday level.
It fits a certain type of post-Second World War documentary or fiction feature which aims to be consciously optimistic and modelling good practice: the right attitudes to be taken with a child like Peter – chiefly, patience, care, comprehension. It does a societal service in showing the dangers – including when Peter gets lost in a town and when the father, in a heated moment after Peter has lashed out at Joanna, expresses the wish that Peter die and then coldly takes him to the special hospital for a month.
A.A. Englander’s film cameraman captures the disturbing scene where Peter is at large on his own
You could be critical and argue that this sort of well-heeled middle class family, with father in a high paid managerial job, would have it far easier than many others, whereby a mother may not be able to devote so much time to Peter and then, finally, to the wider group of children. While this is a valid observation, and plays into the sense of the BBC’s entrenched middle-class orientation, it would be harsh to overly emphasise this concerning a drama intervening in the public consciousness: which openly addressed, humanised and “de-problematised” a subject with taboos and deep prejudices attached to it.
My actual rating if out of 100 would be around 82, quite in line with the two audiences’ responses! I felt this was a great example of the hybrid TV drama, primarily using the studio for intimate human drama within one family and others who enter their space, but using film judiciously on a few occasions to open it out and show us the wider world, whether of the town or the hospital.
Best Performance: KATHARINE BLAKE
I’d say Nigel Green is well cast as a somewhat distant exemplar of the middle class white collar husband of this era. Alan Baulch does a fine performance of the various ups and downs, joys and disturbances of Peter’s life.
But Katharine Blake (1921-1991) is especially central as Joanna, giving a moving performance of desperation and love, frailty and determination, perhaps shaping Peter’s life and looking after him too much at times, but then ultimately being part of a virtuous act in opening and helping in the daycare centre, for the vast numbers in the local area who have been identified with these different needs.
Best line: “He said, ‘Bloody bastard’ as clear as a bell!” (Joanna)
This has several layers of rich irony, given not just that it is swearing on TV that is welcomed in context, but that it elicits the reward for Peter of watching the telly.
Audience size: 7.92 million
Share of overall TV viewing audience: 57.1% (ITV 42.9%)
The opposition: BBC2 (Horizon: ‘The Brain Gain, The Sudden Night, Learning to Speak’ / The LikelyLads: ‘A Star is Born’ / Wimbledon: Match of the Day), ITV (Harley Street / Redcap)
Audience Reaction Index (June 1965 repeat): 87%
Reviewed in London press publications consulted (June 1965 repeat): c.21.4%
Reception: It got a slightly more effusive critical response on its repeat, broadly positive, though still largely ignored. The audience, however, was large and deeply appreciative.
Maurice Wiggin felt Morris had ‘reverted to the most blatant demi-documentary approach’, despite having an ‘impeccable message’ and Blake and Baulch, ‘I felt all along that I was being got at. It was wrong to call this a play. It was The Week’s Good Cause’ (Sunday Times, 4 October 1964, p. 44). This feels to me like a complacent and reactionary response, denying that plays should expose societal inadequacies. T.C. Worsley failed to comment substantively on the play, merely attacking Morris’s trilogy for its miscellaneous quality and the strained nature of their being lumped together (Financial Times, 4 November 1964, p. 20).
In contrast, John Russell Taylor found it the best of Morris’s trilogy, ‘sticking close to documentary exposition in its account of parents’ humans attempts to do the best for their mentally retarded son’ (The Listener, 8 October 1964, p. 561). Taylor felt Baulch’s part could not go wrong and ‘helped enormously in focusing audience sympathy’ (ibid.). Tellingly, Susan Kay empirically indicted even this supposedly gynocentric trilogy for the fact that more than two-thirds of its roles were for men – With Loveand Tears doing fractionally better at 41.2% women (Television Today, 19 November 1964, p. 10).
After its short notice repeat, Mary Crozier found the play ‘a very good programme indeed’ and liked how this ‘documentary’ showed a ‘way out’: ‘it is a good solution if only it could be found more often, for it is the setting up of a small local day school where such afflicted children can be trained and taught. The home remains the anchor but the days are taken care of and the family finds a measure of relief. Many more such schools are needed’ (Guardian, 24 June 1965, p. 9). Such a review showed greater awareness of its direct interventionist utility than had met its first BBC Two screening. Crozier added that the acting was ‘excellent and the writing concealed none of the tragedy of such situations, nor on the other hand the strength of parental feeling and responsibility’, noting it was a good thing it was seen on BBC One (ibid.).
Nigel Green
Lyn Lockwood similarly felt glad to see such a BBC Two play as they generally did not get the ‘attention they deserve’ (Daily Telegraph, 24 June 1965, p. 21). Noting Morris’s long-term concentration on ‘documentary drama’, Lockwood felt he was ‘at the top of his form’, with ‘first-rate performances’, noting in now deeply outdated terms:
How urgent the problem is was brought home by a postscript reminding us of the number of backward [sic] children born every day (ibid.).
Patrick Skene Catling found it ‘mercilessly realistic’, with ‘wholly admirable’ writing: ‘stating all their almost hopeless problems with documentary thoroughness and restraint, with occasional dramatic, emotional peaks of courage and despair’ (Punch, 30 June 1965, p. 971). Catling praised Blake, Green and the ’14-year-old’ Alan Baulch, ‘frighteningly convincing as the inarticulate, passionately demanding, mentally retarded child’s (ibid.). He also noted the play’s direct criticism of local councils and its position that parents of the mentally handicapped should themselves ‘organise collective day-schools’, then subsequently displaying his own offhand eugenicist callousness:
While watching a group of large mongoloid [sic] children pathetically failing to keep time on their kindergarten percussion instruments, one wished that Mr. Morris had explicitly set forth the arguments for and against euthanasia (ibid.).
L. Marsland Gander noted how this ‘moving’ play dealt skilfully – and inadvertently – with Sydney Newman’s recent memorandum to producers ‘urging restraint with offensive or blasphemous words’, through ‘a climax based on the utterance of the words “bloody bastard”‘: this being ‘justifiable, effective, artistic licence whereas streams of bad language introduced unnecessarily are a bore’ (Daily Telegraph, 28 June 1965, p. 15).
Reviews outside London were scant. In Bristol, Peter Forth felt it was ‘beautifully acted but dreadfully depressing’, spotlighting ‘a great social problem’, but not making ‘for happy viewing’ (Western Daily Press, 24 June 1965, p. 7). The same review indicated a pattern in the evening’s BBC drama offering, in how Maurice Robbins played ‘a mentally deficient [sic] man’ in Eric Coltart’s Z Cars story, ‘One Good Turn’ (ibid.).
Mary Whitehouse herself heralded Morris’s play as some sort of great moral corrective to John Hopkins’s Horror of Darkness from three months earlier:
it helped everyone to understand something of the problems which surround a mentally retarded [sic] child and his family. The relationship between husband and wife and of them both with the other child was not only splendid but true to a good deal of life. What a relief it was to watch the unfolding characterisation of a man who actually stood by his wife through all the years of family tragedy – no girls at the office for him, even if they hadn’t had a night out together for nine years. I know I went to bed that night grateful for many things. Out of date? not likely, this is the very stuff of living. (Television Today, 1 July 1965, p. 11)
The audience response was extraordinary. A Reaction Index of 87 exceeded any for Play for Today from 1970-84, with 93% scoring it A+/A and only 2% the lowest C/C- scores (BBC WAC, VR/65/333). The audience also approached 8 million; I don’t have any figure for its September 1964: I’m not sure that BBC Two figures were yet being recorded? Its RI back then apparently was 79, showing how the mainstream BBC One audience embraced it even more (ibid.). The report indicates it made ‘a deep and moving impression on nearly everyone in the sample’, with appreciation of a sensitive tackling of a subject ‘too often ignored’ (ibid.).
Some of the comments amply justify how TV democratically delivered on some of literature’s great claims to make people empathetically understand others:
‘Showed the tragedy for the parents, the effects on the older child, and the lack of provision for such Children’; ‘Illustrated admirably all the problems and prejudices’; ‘One saw the different points of view of the characters and felt deeply for them’ (ibid.).
Joanna (right) faces ingrained prejudices
This play delivered a satisfaction rare for a TV drama, communicating truths and echoing parts of viewers’ experience and affecting them emotionally: one saying, ‘I was moved to tears’ (ibid.). The acting and production all ‘rang absolutely true’, with praise for the scenes using ‘an actual hospital for the mentally handicapped [sic] and […] of retarded [sic] children at play and during group activities’ (ibid.).
Among public letter writers published in the press, a Mrs M. Hanning of R.A.F. Hemswell, Gainsborough, Lincolnshire described it as ‘poignant’, never expecting anyone to steal scenes from Katharine Blake, but ‘her little “son” [sic] was magnificent. What patient and imaginative directing must lie behind his performance’ (Sunday Mail, 27 June 1965, p. 16). Mrs D.B. Stevens of Boney Hay, Staffordshire, acclaimed a ‘very human and moving story’, continuing with an honesty indicating some of the era’s geneticist anxieties and casual I’m-all-right-Jack-don’t-let-me-be-like-them worldview:
Having eight children, I often think of nicer clothes and toys for them – which I can’t afford.
But the play made me realise I couldn’t have given them anything better in life than soundness of mind and limb at birth. (Sunday Mirror, 27 June 1965, p. 20).
Mrs Stevens’s words feel like they’re almost part of the play, and I wouldn’t say as a society in sixty years we have necessarily progressed that much en masse in all respects.
This play really gripped me and was dramatically tense and moving, while also being highly informative and clear. It would be the easiest critical stance today to criticise its stylistic straightforwardness and its paradoxical tough sentimentality. Instead, I rather feel this must have done much good in 1965, being shown on BBC One in prime time. It’s more of that small-scale, human, anti-heroic stuff of which The Wednesday Play is made.
If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you. 🙂
The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.
This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all existing plays up to Cathy, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis.
02.23: The Pistol (BBC One, Wednesday 16 June 1965) 9:50 – 11:05pm Directed by James Ferman; Written by Troy Kennedy Martin and Roger Smith; James Jones (novella – 1959); Produced by James MacTaggart; Story Editor: Roger Smith; Designed by Richard Henry
17 years before the first Film on Four, and 7 before the first filmed Play for Today from Pebble Mill, came a key instance of the TV single play’s cinematic aspiration.
L. Marsland Gander trailed ‘a drama scoop’ wherein for the first time, a James Jones bestseller had been adapted as a play, by Troy Kennedy Martin and Roger Smith, with an ‘all-American cast’ (Daily Telegraph, 24 May 1965, p. 19). Among ‘ambitious location shooting’ – presumably filmed – Fairlight Glen near Hastings was being turned into Makapuu Point, Pearl Harbour, with studio recording finishing the previous week (ibid.). James Jones (1921-1978) had served in the Second World War as a Corporal in the US Army, and this play was based on his 1959 novella, also entitled The Pistol.
The narrative is set in Hawaii just before the Japanese Attack in December 1941. Standing guard ‘and feeling very important’ is 19 year-old Private First-Class Mast (Clive Endersby), then the bombing starts and panic sets in; Mast offers to hand back his pistol to the arms sergeant who tells him to keep it (Glasgow Daily Record, 16 June 1965, p. 14). Mast’s company is sent to ‘a bleak part of the island and all the soldiers try to get the pistol by fair and foul means’ (ibid.). Word has spread that the pistol ‘has special qualities’ and Mast ‘becomes determined to keep it’ (Hartlepool Northern Daily Mail, 16 June 1965, p. 3). The same article stresses Jones’s credentials, authoring films like From Here to Eternity (1953) and Some Came Running (1958). The Coventry Evening Telegraph highlighted actor Lionel Stander having being seen recently on The Eamonn Andrews Show (ABC for ITV, 1964-69) (16 June 1965, p.2).
Roger Smith in the Radio Times indicates that TKM and himself first met James Jones in London in spring 1964, noting their nerves given his fame – also for The Thin Red Line (1962 novel; two film versions, 1964 and 1999) – and finding him ‘a stocky man with a rugged jaw and immense strength and dignity’ (10 June 1965, p. 39). After two days of talks, they were ready to go ahead, producing eventually this ‘tough story’, centring on Mast feeling ‘a real soldier, and something of a cowboy, too’ (ibid.). Smith notes the turn from total lack of interest in the pistol to everyone wanting it once they are waiting for the Japanese to invade, and the play’s ‘tough sardonic humour of G.I.s in a jam’ (ibid.). Smith admits the hard ask to create Hawaii near Hastings, but claims ‘The barbed wire, the sandbags, the fights, the guns, they’re all real’ and also how in the studio they built ‘a huge hill and dugouts’, promising a ‘good production’ and ‘an exciting experience’ (ibid.).
James Green noted a ‘£10,000 production’, with American James Ferman, ‘once a U.S. First Lieutenant and director of 14 editions of ThePlane-Makers (ATV for ITV, 1963-65), who ‘has tried to make this drama look more of a film production than a TV play’s with two days’ location work at an Army camp and four days at Fairlight Glen (London EveningNews and Star, 16 June 1965, p. 3). Green also claims that new characters were invented for a ‘play about a platoon’, which removed many four-letter words from the book, but which Ferman still feels is ‘tough and realistic’ and hopes achieves ‘a documentary feeling’ (ibid.).
After broadcast, the Harrow Observer highlighted a local resident Clive Endersby of 7 Elms-lane, Sudbury, as appearing in the play: at 20, remarkably having taken part in more than 200 English and Canadian TV productions already, this being his first lead, after starting acting at age 9 in a Canadian drama festival (17 June 1965, p. 2). This also emphasised his being from an acting family, naming his father Paul and four brothers Ralph, Philip, Eric and Stanley, some of whom were acting in England, the USA and Canada (ibid.). Jack Bell noted perhaps more accurately than the Telegraph that the cast of thirty included ‘many’ Canadians and Americans; Bell gave a minor eyewitness account of being on set during the production:
Holidaymakers at a spot called Fairlight Glen watched in astonishment as a platoon of grimy American GIs moved into position as a “suicide squad.” […]
Camouflaged US Army three-tonners lumbered down the cliff road beneath Lovers Seat, when I watched the filming, passing six potted palms which had been replanted to give a bit of hula-hula atmosphere (Daily Mirror, 16 June 1965, p. 16).
Actor Leo Kharibian who had spent 16 months in Hawaii as a real-life GI assured Bell it was ‘surprisingly close to the real thing’ (ibid.). Again, there are rather detailed accounts of the length of the filming shoot, how the actors ‘slogged more than a mile up and down the rugged cliff road each day’ and queued in a ‘chow line’ for food which they ate on bare trestle tables in the open air – apparently better quality food than army food, Kharibian confirmed (ibid.).
This one apparently does exist, but I’ve not been able to source it. If I manage to, I’ll update this post with an account of my own feelings and thoughts.
Audience size: 6.93 million
Share of overall TV viewing audience: 58.3%
The opposition: BBC2 (The Likely Lads – ‘Baby It’s Cold Outside’ / Jazz 625 – from Kansas City / Newsroom and Weather), ITV (Deckie Learner – A 15 year-old lad from Grimsby starts life as a trawler fisherman / Redcap – ‘It’s What Comes After’)
Audience Reaction Index: 56%
Reviewed in London press publications consulted: c. 21.4%
Reception: Interestingly, this was both universally favoured by those critics who bothered to write about and ignored by the vast bulk of critics. There wasn’t really appreciably much difference between London and outside here. Viewers were much more mixed, perhaps because we get a properly representative sample from this play’s rather large audience.
Clive Barnes emphasised the pistol’s ‘illegal’ status and how Mast comes to perceive it as a ‘lifebelt’, not just protection against Japanese samurai swords, but ‘a talisman’ (Daily Express, 17 June 1965, p. 4). Barnes sees Jones’s message as using the pistol as ‘a symbol both of human acquisitiveness and the will for survival’, and deeply admired a rare ‘convincing slice of America created in Britain’, with Smith and Martin’s ‘neat, crisp dialogue’ and good acting (ibid.). Relaxed, ‘authentic’ playing included Clive Endersby capturing ‘the right mixture of fright and determination’ (ibid.).
Lyn Lockwood was similarly beguiled, taking up James Ferman’s filmic discourse, when seeing it as ‘an excellent attempt to rival the big screen’ (Daily Telegraph, 17 June 1965, p. 19). In high praise, she felt the opening Pearl Harbour attack sequence was ‘almost as effective’ as a similar passage in the film version of From Here to Eternity (ibid.). ‘It was a highly effective mixture of pessimism, panic and humour – with humour uppermost – convincingly filmed’, giving ‘a fillip to the current state of the single play’ (ibid.).
Maurice Richardson acclaimed ‘an ambitiously cinematic production’, with ‘realistically rugged’ acting from the North American cast (Observer, 20 June 1965, p. 25). He felt the ‘symbolic significance’ of the pistol ‘a bit over-plugged’, but ultimately praised a play whose ‘technical level was most impressive, well above B picture standard’ (ibid.). These responses clearly indicate more ballast for Allen Wright’s argument a previous week that television was now regularly producing better films than those which got cinema runs.
Outside London, N.G.B. felt the milieu of American soldiers was over-familiar; however, the use of the pistol as ‘a symbol arousing envy, and the desire for security, brought a new slang to familiar wartime scenes’ (Liverpool Daily Post, 17 June 1965, p. 3). Also in Scouseland, W.D.A. found its ‘taking us out of studio propland into open country’ and lack of familiar faces in the cast refreshing (Liverpool Echo, 17 June 1965, p. 2). Tellingly, they also felt that ‘Hollywood never made anything quite like “The Pistol” which explores far too dry a line in irony to be good box office’ (ibid.).
B.L. admired ‘a compelling drama of terrified, bewildered men in whom ear brings out the worst’ (Belfast Telegraph, 17 June 1965, p. 11). They discern the theme of ‘envy’ and how ‘There is not the faintest hunt that patriotism, heroism, gallantry or comradeship exist […] Fear of the enemy […] Makes cowards of them all. All except the boy’ (ibid.). This had a rare ‘realism’ for TV, and such an account strengthens my impression that this play well reflects The Wednesday Play’s simultaneous balanced offering of the tough and the anti-heroic (ibid.).
Among viewers it was well received, if not massively enthusiastically, with a score of 56: just two above the overall Wednesday Play mean average of 1965 so far (BBC WAC, VR/65/325). Many viewers felt the central situation overly ‘incredible’, though somewhat more found it ‘compelling’, gripping or a ‘study of human frailty’ with ‘satisfying irony’ at the end (ibid.). While there was a core of satisfied viewers among the panel, many refused to accept soldiers ‘so gormless, spineless and self-centred’, and too schoolboy-like, and found the play slow, thin and unconvincing, per se, though there was sufficient ‘tension, truth and irony’ to interest many (ibid.). However, the vast majority admired its realism and seamless blending of studio and location work: seen as ‘lavish and enterprising’, while acting was mostly admired as having ‘pace and vitality’ even if a few found it ‘noisy and overdone’ (ibid.).
Viewers’ letters published in the press erred on the negative side. An S. Gordon of 25 Birkwood St., Glasgow, proclaimed ‘I doubt if anyone found Pearl Harbour as I found this play’ (Glasgow Sunday Post, 20 June 1965, p. 12). E.C. Powell, of Church-lane, Barton Mills, Suffolk felt it was ‘a flop’ and ‘all such a waste of time’, decrying ‘the phoney acting of the Americans all trying to be a John Wayne or an Errol Flynn’, and disliking how they’d been informed ‘the Pacific beachhead was part of our own coastline’ beforehand (Sunday Mirror, 20 June 1965, p. 20). However, a G. Farquhar, c/o Victory Club, 63-79 Seymour Street, London, W2, found it ‘Outstanding […] a masterpiece of tension and tragedy’ (Sunday Mail, 27 June 1965, p. 16).
This ‘war play’ was soon repeated on BBC Two on 10 September 1965 in the Encore slot of 8:20 – 9:45pm (Daily Mail, 10 September 1965, p. 16).
While I cannot really say I’d be especially excited to watch this, it was clearly a solidly successful attempt to keep The Wednesday Play embedded in mainstream cultural modes – the war film, popular prose fiction – while being one of many non-UK-set excursions we’ve encountered in our thirty-plus plays covered thus far. The viewers’ differing response indicates perhaps a certain fatigue with such screen material, and critical avoidance may reflect similar feelings or even high or middlebrow anti-Americanism. However, those most favourable among the viewers and critics found much to appreciate in its tough, vigorous non-heroism – a key strain running throughout 1964-65 Wednesday Plays and which clearly relates more to Sixties Britain’s iconoclastic mood – and British war films – than to Hollywood.
Notably, the Toronto-born Clive Endersby would appear as a trooper in Tony Richardson and Charles Wood’s The Charge of the Light Brigade (1968), emphasising a transnational anti-war zeitgeist, while James Ferman would, in 1975, become a significant cultural gatekeeper for films in Britain for nearly a quarter of a century.
If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂