Exploring The Wednesday Play’s Legacy At 60 – 03:04: ‘Up the Junction’ (BBC1, 3 November 1965)

The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.

This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all Wednesday Plays up to the end of 1965, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis. A selected number of plays from 1966-1970 will be covered.

03.04: Up the Junction (BBC One, Wednesday 3 November 1965) 9:40 – 10:50pm
Directed by Ken Loach; Written by Nell Dunn & Tony Garnett (uncredited); Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Eileen Diss; Songs sung by Russ Parker, played by Winifred Helliwell and Marie Cleve; ‘Bad Girl’ by Stanley Myers and Nell Dunn

I used to be violently concerned about politics, when we lived in Battersea. There you are so much aware of everything that is going on. The walls of the houses are made of plywood and you hear everything. We had one tap and an outdoor lavatory. I was completely uninterested in comfort. I washed all the clothes in the public washhouse; now I have a washing machine. […] At Battersea all I thought about was Socialism and poverty and those things. I couldn’t have cared less what we ate. (The Scotsman, 3 April 1965, p. 6).

Location footage and hand-held shots and unsteady camera movements, undoubtedly imbued it with an ‘authentic’ aura previously unseen in television drama (Jamie Sexton, ‘Televérité Hits Britain: Documentary, Drama and the Growth of 16mm Filmmaking in British Television, Screen, 2003, p. 442).

Under [Sir Hugh Greene] television drama flowered at the BBC as it has never blossomed anywhere in the world. The Wednesday Play plays like Up the Junction, Kathy [sic] Come Home, Drums Along the Avon, The Lump, In Two Minds – plays that won a unique place in the history of TV drama in that they were discussed the next day by ordinary people as if they were important social happenings – were screened (Stanley Reynolds, Manchester Evening News, 21 October 1972, p. 4).

I first thought and felt deeply about Up the Junction when reading Tony Garnett’s memoir, The Day The Music Died (2016) on summer holiday in 2017. Garnett made a great case for its revolutionary nature in getting out of the studio and onto the streets, and, most significantly, in representing working-class life in an unvarnished way, to a TV audience with an immediacy impossible in cinema and of an infinitely large size compared to theatre. The direction the play took was partly influenced by Garnett’s own familial experience of abortion when growing up and his motivation to challenge societal silence and bigotry toward the subject. During my PhD study, I finally got around to watching the original 1965 Up the Junction, repeating the viewing to shot-log its entirety. Now, I watch it a third time for this sixtieth anniversary blog article, using the essential Ken Loach at the BBC DVD box-set.

Up the Junction was originally created by Nell Dunn, from a wealthy background, being daughter of industrialist Sir Philip Dunn. Nell wrote Up the Junction as a book based on her own observations of life in the Clapham Junction area of South London. Right-wing journalist Christopher Booker, within his tedious wider assault on 1960s culture, The Neophiliacs (1969) snidely emphasised Dunn as part of the ‘Chelsea Set’ and as being ‘a millionaire’s daughter’, a sexist denial of her own agency, and a typical attack on anyone well-to having a social conscience – while also being critical of Up the Junction and Edward Bond’s closely contemporaneous stage play, Saved (pp. 279-80).

Clearly, Up the Junction struck a nerve, annoying the right people. Des Freedman has argued programmes like it and Cathy Come Home ‘demonstrated how television could play an important progressive role in public life’ (2003: 69). Macmurraugh-Kavanagh elaborated, detailing how Up the Junction marked a key moment in The Wednesday Play’s drive to make drama a social intervention within and against the news and to shape public opinion: ‘focusing ‘fact’ through emotional and physical reality (as in the case of Up the Junction and abortion law reform)’ (Screen, 1997, p. 250). Dunn, born in 1936, is still alive, like Ken Loach nearing her tenth decade.

In November 1963, John Gross was highly complimentary about Nell Dunn’s romantic, yet also grounded view of London life, loving its comedy and melancholy, extolling ‘A highly accomplished book, truthful and likeable’ (Observer, 17 November 1963, p. 25). Andrew Leslie felt Dunn was covering ‘an odd social stratum […] They are the working-class who have been left behind, still visibly struggling for survival’ (Guardian, 29 November 1963, p. 17). These reviews mentioned the ‘dance hall’ and the ‘pawn shop’ and proximity to illegality. Leslie saw the characters as ‘like a species of moth, settling quickly on whatever point of life will hold them – and then away again’ (ibid.). The book went onto win the John Llewellyn Rees Prize for being the most memorable book of its year.

An interview by ‘Boswell’ in The Scotsman gave a picture of Nell Dunn’s home life in Putney with husband Jeremy Sandford and two children, enabling Dunn to reflect: ‘The world’s so mad, I can never make judgments. People are absolutely amazing!’ (op. cit.). MacGibbon & Kee are said to have commissioned Up the Junction following a few short pieces Dunn had penned for the New Statesman (ibid.). Dunn is said to be good friends with neighbour Edna O’Brien, who was when the interview was taking place, taking one of Nell and Jeremy’s kids to the cinema with hers (ibid.). Dunn recounts admiring Austen, Dickens, Hardy and Lawrence and was a great fan of Jeremy Sandford’s Third Programme radio plays before she met him (ibid.). As a writer, he is influenced by her environment as a writer, including a spell working in a sweet factory, and like other women writers she knows, Dunn was engaged in politics, helping to elect a Labour MP in Putney in the 1964 general election, while reflecting on living a much more middle-class life than she had in Battersea previously (ibid.).

Up the Junction centres on three young women, Rube (Geraldine Sherman), Sylvie (Carol White) and Eileen (Vickery Turner), who go up to Clapham Junction where the events occur. The Daily Record identified the setting as Battersea, also adding, ‘Despite their poor surroundings these people have an aliveness which isn’t found in more affluent circles’ (3 November 1965, p. 16).

Television Today recorded that Ray Barron had dislocated a shoulder during rehearsals for the swimming scenes, and that the play would be recorded on 23 September (9 September 1965, p. 11). Ken Hankins felt the production, with ‘no plot and no story-line’, ‘deliberately unorthodox, attempting to capture some of the flavour of life in London’, sounded intriguing and noted the BBC was claiming it was a ‘show’, rather than a play, documentary or musical (Peterborough Evening Telegraph, 30 October 1965, page unclear). ‘Monitor’ noted the large cast of 50, how only three characters are recurring, while, as other publications did more briefly, valuing Nell Dunn’s original book as ‘raw and witty’, with ‘remarkable warmth and insight’ in its 100 or so pages (Coventry Evening Telegraph, 3 November 1965, p. 2). Ralph Slater thought that its ‘sheer unpredictability’ made it ‘worth a try’ (Reading Evening Post, 3 November 1965, p. 2).

Rather dramatically, it was announced that senior BBC officials had called for a special screening of Up the Junction on 2 November and they ‘ordered several cuts – but left in a startling sequence about a back-street abortion’ (Daily Express, 3 November 1965, p. 13). Even before broadcast, the BBC was under fire about the play, accused by Mary Whitehouse’s Clean-Up TV Campaign of presenting ‘near pornographic material under the guise of culture and education’ (ibid.). This was, frankly, an absurd claim based on what was in the actual play, which they cannot have known, anyway. The CUTV are said to have gone to Kenneth Robinson, the Minister of Health with their pre-emptive complaint (Daily Record, op. cit.). Michael Bakewell was said to have been present at the BBC pre-broadcast screening, with cuts resulting being ‘minor’ (Lincolnshire Echo, 3 November 1965, p. 7). Picking up on the likely controversy, Clifford Davis claimed it was ‘certain to cause something of a sensation’ (Daily Mirror, 3 November 1965, p. 3).

Story editor Tony Garnett previewed Up the Junction in the Radio Times firstly by quoting several glowing reviews of the book; he followed this literary validation by tellingly rooting the play in Battersea experience, with the excursions to Clapham Junction, while also stating: ‘it could be lots of places’ (28 October 1965, p. 45). Garnett emphasised how it would show a troubling picture:

Go to any big city and the human waste will horrify you, because the people you will see tonight are exploited, given a raw deal, or just conveniently forgotten by the rest of us. You would expect them to be ‘down’ – and they have every right to be. But they are not. All of them – all ages – are irrepressibly alive. And the young people, like Rube, Sylvie, Eileen, and their friends in tonight’s play, have a personal style and sophistication which put to shame the self-promoting ‘in-groups’ with their tender clothes and their colour supplements. (ibid.)

Initiating a new epoch, Garnett writes of how to bring this to screen: The Wednesday Play has to ‘break some rules to tell the truth as we see it’, so ‘we told our director, Kenneth Loach, that none of the sacred cows of television drama need stand in his way. There were many risks involved in this freedom and he has embraced them with relish’ (ibid.). Garnett ended with a sharp focus on its unconventional style and truthfulness and uncannily predicted its lasting qualities:

This is a show which defies the categories. It is not a play, a documentary, or a musical. It is all of these at once. It is something new – but, more important, it is something true. If you watch it we can promise you something that will stay in your mind for a long time. (ibid.)

Significantly, for the long term of single drama, John Mackenzie was employed as Production Manager: Mackenzie became one of many vital talented directors on Play for Today and in British cinema (Unman, Wittering and Zigo, Made, Apaches and The Long Good Friday). Garnett, of course, would soon be elevated to the role of producer…

Linda McCarthy, who worked on the play as a trainee assisting the experienced AFM Jackie Willows, recalls shooting at municipal washrooms and a chocolate factory in Acton (interviewed by the author, 11 May 2021). Linda remembers arranging some of the motorbikes for the accident on Crystal Palace Parade, and also “driving round Clapham in a hearse. I mean, those days it was amazing because people still came out on the streets and if you went by in a hearse the men took their hats off. Incredible.’ (ibid.). She recalls they only probably got around two minutes of the final footage in the can per day (ibid.). McCarthy recalls that, when they did the sequence in the swimming pool, “one of the actors dislocated his arm and his shoulder so I had to take him off to King’s College Hospital to A&E. I think it was a Saturday night too, and you do not want to be in A&E on a Saturday night, certainly not.” (ibid.)

It was one of McCarthy’s first productions; she would have been familiar with South London, having been born there in 1943 and gone to Sydenham High School for Girls. She also recollects herself “and the three girls pushing all the washing across country in a supermarket trolley which we later used for the cameraman, Brian Tufano, [who went] in it for doing a tracking shot” (ibid.). Linda recalls all of the main cast being good fun to be with, many being of a similar age to herself, and how Nell Dunn was on set at least once, as she gave her a copy of the original book, which she still has to this day! (ibid.).

Anyway, Up the Junction is, of course, a play which I can watch, unlike the last two wiped ones. It starts a run until Christmas where I can watch pretty much all plays, barring The Bond, but even that has an extant clip.

Rating **** / ****

Up the Junction is a Pop Art collage, more sociological insight than well-made play, but it does still tell a story amid many fragments. It conveys the sociological imagination – to use C. Wright Mills’s 1959 phrase – through means of an artistic mode which feels immediate and lifelike. Its deeply immersive candid camera approach – Tony Imi (or was it Brian Tufano?) moving in among the people on the streets – gives it a fresh vividness. The vogue term at the time for this technique was televérité, developed from the documentary style of John Boorman and Denis Mitchell, alongside US Direct Cinema influences, as Jamie Sexton (2003) discerned. My PhD – available online – has further material on Up the Junction‘s canonical significance and details its Average Shot Lengths for its film and video sequences.

Loach, Garnett and Dunn’s drama, made by a fine crew and a vast cast similar to that in James O’Connor’s Three Clear Sundays from seven months earlier, puts us right into 1965. The opening with Myers and Dunn’s ‘Bad Girl’ being performed by a band as we then see new high rise blocks accompanied by yearning, creaking organ sounds in the song. We are given a breathless montage of overheard conversations, phrases, songs and images. A Genghis Khan film poster, David McCallum staring down at us from the wall of the room where Rube has the abortion. Discussions of the Hydrogen bomb, the pools, dieting and posters of wrestling bills, gossip about a “dirty old man”. Sex and death are the prime themes. There is a morbid or prurient obsession or a breezy casualness towards them.

This play feels rooted in the London equivalent of The Shangri-Las’ New York, the most brilliant trashy (p)arty pop which revelled in subjective melodramas of being young in the city. This Wednesday Play presents petty theft, violent scuffles, drinking in the boozer and drink driving on motorcycles. I do feel it stays close to the people so that the events do not seem overly glamourised, which is a trap the fascinating but queasily amoral Jeff Nuttall and Rodick Carmichael book (1977) does, fetishising violence. Bad things just happen here, and the key words spoken, late on, are “Poor Rube”. We do feel for her, even if the play deliberately avoids any Dickensian mode of popular sentimentality. While this is clearly Poor Rube’s story, she shakes off any sense of victimhood and remains very much vivacious, pleasure-loving Rube to the end.

The look is of course vital in mid 1960s British culture. I’m pretty sure Vickery Turner’s striking floral mod or pop art top is used or adapted by great London band Saint Etienne for the aesthetics of their debut album, Foxbase Alpha (1991).

In an uninterrupted take, the three girls sing The Beatles’ ‘I Should’ve Known Better’ (1964), from A Hard Day’s Night, a film that Geraldine Sherman appeared in, uncredited. I feel this play is informed by Joan Littlewood and Theatre Workshop’s warm involvement of working-class talent and by the blazing cultural example The Beatles were setting, exploring self, society and advancing Love over War. On the former, Garnett confirmed using many Theatre Workshop actors in Up the Junction, like George Sewell (2016, p. 140).

It contains so much interesting tangential language in the snippets of conversations and observations than you would get in a more obviously honed play. We get traditionalism and modernity constantly vying with each other – references to “trousseau” and “quinine”. This feels like O’Connor’s plays in its earthy proximity to street life, but without quite the same crime and punishment narrative moves. It’s great to just hear “guvnor”, “clobber”, “nicker”, “me nutter”, a “chinning”, “up the spout”, “toerag”, and a man branded “you dirty big slag!” without there being any question of punishment or evasion of the law. In a moment expressing the times, the elderly Mrs Hardy (Rita Webb) chortles wonderfully about there being little chance of her “getting in the family way now”!

Mrs Hardy earlier on

Dunn and Garnett’s vision is also barbed and complex. There is a strong implicit anti-racism at times, but then also a racism which is not narratively challenged – perhaps in a deliberate that’s life-type way. I’d say the extended sequence with Barny the Tallyman is as clear and enraging depiction of the evils of unfettered capitalism as you’ll ever see in a film or TV drama. George Sewell brilliantly puts flesh on an utterly grasping predator.

Barny’s racism is clearly part of his pernicious worldview, and there is no chance of people getting the wrong idea – as happened with Alf Garnett – and nor is he made endearing or excessively central: he is there for five minutes or so, then he’s gone. Also, the early factory scenes crucially include three Black women workers – Myrtle Mackenzie, Cleo Sylvestre and Winifred Sabine – and they are an integral part, laughing, gossiping and illicitly dancing along with the rest of the workforce.

This all makes me instinctively more charitable towards the uncomfortable final scene, where Sylvie’s racist clichés are unchecked; Rube just laughs along with a “you didn’t…?” (say that) kind of response. Given how another girl casually admits dropping out of an evening class, Dunn and Garnett, implicitly, deliver a realist parting shot both against the ‘improving’ WEA type ethos, but also show it is needed, implying these young women are limiting their horizons by not trying to grasp more conceptual ways of seeing the world. Making this clear in too blunt or didactic a way would seem overly churlish and undercut the generally warm portrayal of the three young women.

Overall, this presents the archetypal depiction of vigorous, thrilling but dangerous working-class life at this moment in time, and the pervasive hedonistic spirit and Peggy Lee ‘Is That All There Is?’ fatalism of many ordinary people in the London Nell Dunn experienced, and in the working-class Birmingham that formed Tony Garnett. There is survival humour and no lectures, never any lectures. The magnificently flawed gallery of people here show us who they are through their survival humour.

Most significantly, it also presented a rare woman writer’s outlook, with, even rarer, a majority female cast – a necessary breath of fresh air, that was too seldom followed up over the next decade both in The Wednesday Play and its successor Play for Today.

Best performance: GERALDINE SHERMAN

George Sewell has to be highlighted, for his conveying of the counterfeit charm such a Tallyman would have, while conveying his utter, greed-driven tenacity. This is the face of the system that most people couldn’t easily identify. Also, the great Tony Selby, an utterly inimitable actor, sly and loveable, devious and forlorn.

But Geraldine Sherman, from a Jewish refugee background, and who grew up in an orphanage, is just stunning, sensual and ordinary, and carries us along in her intense experiences – an abortion, the death of her betrothed boyfriend in a motorcycle – while then brushing them off with a bizarre, compelling breeziness (I’m not going to say stoicism or that highly overused and ideologically utilised word in 2020s culture, ‘resilience’).

Sherman is a luminous 1960s figure to go alongside Rita Tushingham, Pauline Boty, Sandie Shaw, Julie Christie and Jane Arden. She projects a brash, vulnerable warmth as Rube, who is more than ‘feisty’: a real force of casual joie de vivre.

Best line: “Are you frightened o’ dying, Sylvie?” / “Nah, you can’t get owt when yer dead”.

There are so many other great ones… This is just a very cursory sample:

“I’m using me brains to the best of me ability. It’s what the Tories call free enterprise!” (Barny the Tallyman)

“Never mind, Sylvie. Keep never-minding, it’s only for life…” (Rube)

“Why should we think ahead? What’s there to think ahead to, except growing old…?!” (Dave)

“Borstal was all right… A sort o’ University for them that couldn’t afford Oxford…” (Dave)

“He’s promised to take me to Bromsgrove for a fortnight…” (Mrs Hardy) [A fine one as one of Whitehouse’s most vociferous MP backers represented that constituency!]

“She was a scrubber all ‘er life. Ever since she was 14, she worked in them baths… Boiling hot in summer, damp and draughty in winter…Surprised it didn’t finish ‘er orf sooner…”.

Oh, and, actually, this must be the best in terms of environmental print:

Audience size: 9.21 million

This success was part of a significant upturn in BBC ratings, with the BBC getting six shows in TV’s Top Twenty, according to ITV associated TAM figures: being seen by 4.35 million homes, equivalent to 9.57 million individual viewers according to my approximated calculations (Daily Telegraph, 13 November 1965, p. 9).

Share of overall TV viewing audience: 60.8%

The opposition: BBC2 (The Vintage Years of Hollywood: Man’s Castle / Newsroom), ITV (Crime and the Bent Society: No. 02 – ‘The Big Tickle’ / Wrestling)

Audience Reaction Index: 58%

Reviewed in London press publications consulted: 69.2%

Reception: Funnily enough, this didn’t necessarily get many more next-day reviews than the average Wednesday Play. Yet, in time it was widely reviewed, while also provoking a vast reaction as a news item in itself, generating controversy and discussion of a volume that fulfilled Garnett’s aims. The reactions from critics and public were mixed, with a fair few loud attacks expressed, but these were out-argued by as many wiser heads. Overall, evidence points to the play annoying a certain type of person, but winning enthusiastic acceptance by a larger, increasingly socially liberal, public.

First off, an anonymous critic praised ‘a remarkable and technically stimulating hybrid, documentary in text and dialogue, impressionist in style and editing, embellished with raucous pop music’ (The Times, 4 November 1965, p. 17). They accepted its ‘honesty’, in reflecting Dunn’s experience of Battersea life, though pedantically noted it was only true of how ‘some people live’ and warned of the easy attractions the ‘well bred’ youth might find in ‘blank insignificant lives filling their vacuity with casually meaningless pleasures (mainly those of sex, booze, and dangerously driven motorbikes)’ (ibid.). They interpreted this TV show as suggesting that ‘life Up the Junction is drably and miserably unattractive ; her play is a vigorous persuader to virtue’ (ibid.). I would rather say that Dunn and Garnett are not judging the lives depicted in such a moralistic way as this reviewer does (ibid.).

Peter Black felt there was a provocateur element behind the play, with ‘the Wednesday Play boys’ seeing ‘just how far they could go in a television play with sex and cuss words’, but also that it was written and photographed ‘with remarkable technical brilliance’, immersing us in the street life (Daily Mail, 6 November 1965, p. 4). Black liked feeling so physically close to the characters, and legitimated its skill by analogising Dunn’s Battersea with W. Somerset Maugham’s Lambeth in his novel Liza of Lambeth (1900).

However, Black acknowledged that not all other viewers had taken to it: ‘A lot of people genuinely dislike seeing the unpleasant realities of life’, while others’ blood would have been frozen by ‘the anarchy of this play’ (ibid.). Black felt the terrified screams of the experience of the miscarriage effectively made a moralist point about the prior seduction (ibid.). Yet, despite all this, Black felt it applied too much of a ‘violent shove’, the amount of coarse language was unnecessary and that the final third added little (ibid.). He also bemoaned the camera turning him into a ‘voyeur’ during the seduction on the bomb-site, and claimed the BBC should have given more forewarning that many would be offended and shocked by the play (ibid.).

There might apparently have been other next-day reviews by Lockwood in the Daily Telegraph and one in the Daily Mirror, but these have not been traceable.

Maurice Richardson claimed that Dunn’s ‘objective study of mixed-up members of the Battersea lumpen proletariat had made a distinct impact on the subtopian hominids’ (Observer, 7 November 1965, p. 25). He noted tellingly that ‘Nobody objected that it wasn’t really a play at all’ and that the message that ‘this was very much what some girls really are like’ had got across, while reflecting he would have liked more ‘documentation’ and a sense of how typical these girls ‘and their sad sub way of life are of Battersea as compared with other parts of London’ (ibid.). Yet, Richardson felt its pull was in the script’s ‘verity’ and ‘exact observation’, compared with much other television (ibid.).

The same day, theatre critic J.W. Lambert critiqued Edward Bond’s Saved as a ‘springboard for squalid fantasy’, claiming it was ‘One in the eye for theatre that its first performance should take place simultaneously with Up the Junction‘s TV broadcast – with Dunn’s play ‘reaching out – too frenetically but with so much more warmth and truth – into this same grubby maelstrom of spiritual under-nourishment’ (Sunday Times, 7 November 1965, p. 55). Lambert reflected on now Tony Selby was excellent in both Saved and Up the Junction, which pointed up the contrast in the texts (ibid.).

Maurice Wiggin, reliably the dimmest and crustiest critic in the pack, patronised Nell Dunn as ‘a lucky girl’ and ‘a girl who has done little more, as yet, than demonstrate that her heart is in the right place and that she has an ear for common speech’, also titling his weekly column ‘Little Nell’s curiosity shop’ (Sunday Times, 7 November 1965, p. 57). Wiggin is churlish about Dunn’s celebrity, and while he felt the play was ‘a highly moral affair’ which depicted ‘life being lived flat-out, fermenting like grog’, this was ‘all on one terribly monotonous level’ (ibid.). He found the constant din oppressive to his ‘despised bourgeois habits of privacy and modulation’, expressing a clichéd attack: ‘The so-called “musical” element was diabolical’ (ibid.). Wiggin disliked how the vérité shots of real people implicated them in the drama; while accepting the vividness of the play, he felt it was ‘the vividness of uninhibited extremism’ (ibid.). Wiggin makes a relatively perceptive going about progressive intellectuals finding life in the slums ‘rich’, while disdaining ‘thin and impoverished’ suburban life – which he nevertheless accepts they ‘quite rightly’ want slum dwellers to have access to. Yet his lack of attentiveness to the text is clear when claiming the central trip were ‘barely sketched in’ and he felt the elder women actors were far too familiar, though did feel the Tallyman was a ‘predator whom Dickens or Mayhew would have fastened on […] This vulturine monster was a stunning little cameo: a whole play, a whole series could grow out of him’ (ibid.).

However, despite these kernels of insight, and Wiggin’s claim to ‘respect radicalism’, he critiqued Dunn, Loach and MacTaggart’s ‘uneasy compound of self-righteousness and pugnacity’ and lapsed into his customary Tory philistinism:

Other people have tried to tell the truth and shame the devil, and even to improve this wicked world. Without losing sight of the prime aim of entertainment. (ibid.).

Wiggin’s slightly more eggheaded partner in Sunday prose T.C. Worsley emphasised James MacTaggart’s boldness and nerve in continuing got back ‘his fancies’, despite earning ‘more abuse than praise for his selections’, but also that he found the producer’s taste ‘almost wholly unsympathetic’, seeing his experimentation as ‘a false trail’ (Financial Times, 10 November 1965, p. 26). However, Worsley admired MacTaggart’s persistence in discovering ‘new forms in television writing and the provision of as free an opportunity as possible for his writers to experiment with the medium’, admitting his own critical tastes may be old-fashioned (ibid.). Experiment is ‘not just laudable, it is essential, if the whole thing is not to run down’: television needing such a slot equivalent to the Royal Court where ‘anything and everything can be tried’, though Worsley felt The Wednesday Play should be at a later hour and less exposed, as it were, to ‘harsh criticism’ (though, indeed, less impactful to a large public, I’d argue) (ibid.).

Worsley conceded that Up the Junction‘s ‘technical innovations’ as tele-verite and ‘liveliness and lyricism’ lent it an impact no conventional methods could have achieved, and commended White, Sherman and Turner’s brilliant acting (ibid.). He made familiar obtuse arguments questioning its overall truth about Clapham Junction life, while feeling it lost rhythm from the motorcycle accident on (ibid.). However, he ended his review more favourably by admiring its freshness of approach, compared to Rediffusion’s Blackmail, which would feature youthful amorality or backstreet abortions, but be ‘trivially told and indifferently acted’ (ibid.).

Patrick Skene Catling totally failed to review the play, instead impugning Nell Dunn’s deliberate social mobility, recalling meeting her once at Woodrow Wyatt’s ‘splendid house beside Regent’s Park, shortly after she had made her move from Chelsea to Battersea’:

I am not among those who believe that richest disqualify a man from socialist politics, not that they beat a young woman from living among the poor of South London. But she shouldn’t brag so about her way of life. Mr. Wyatt doesn’t about his (Punch, 10 November 1965, p. 700).

Frederick Laws reflected that reviewers of Dunn’s original short stories were excited by their portrayal of unfamiliar lives of women from ‘the lower orders’ in Battersea, but felt this TV version was (sigh) ‘no continuing central characters or progression of story’ (The Listener, 11 November 1965, p. 771). This is blatantly wrong in that there are three central women protagonists. Again, Laws felt it was propaganda ‘against the horror of furtive abortion’ and ‘could have been taken as a sermon against slums, poverty, and promiscuity’, echoing several other critics’ pearl-clutching interpretation from their own perspectives (ibid.). Laws felt ‘Miss’ Dunn ‘was plainly serious and on the side of the angels and the common people’, concluding with a wish that she might ‘one day give us a brutally realistic play about smart people’ (ibid.).

D.A.N. Jones also admitted to a ‘mingled pity and admiration’, though contrasting Dunn’s vision of charming spirit with Orwell’s colder approach to working-class life in the adaptation of his novel Keep the Aspidistra Flying on BBC Two on Sundays (New Statesman, 12 November 1965, p. 760). Jones felt it was clearly true to life, ‘but it dealt almost entirely with extroverts in public situations’, interestingly also reflecting how local clergy wanted even more realism through drugs being depicted (ibid.). He noted a post-play Late Night Line-Up discussion where MacTaggart claimed that ‘we’ are afraid of people like this, while Ken Loach ‘held that the harsh abortion scene would act as a dire warning’, though Jones questioned against what, given how ‘The girl was up against and bouncing around so soon’ afterwards (ibid.). Apparently, ‘a tearful Nell Dunn answered telephone complaints from South London’ itself (ibid.).

While furthering the blind alley of questioning its deep social representativeness of all Battersea life, Jones developed this line of argument in the most interesting way:

We saw not Battersea but a set of mobile youngsters on a network that linked Tooting, Brixton and the deep-south motor-bike belt. We saw the equally feckless grannies and widows of the pubs and markets. But there was hardly a sign of the important 25-45 age group. They were represented by the evil tallyman, his business ethics interpreted with vicious brilliance by George Sewell. But who was he talking to? The author, evidently. Her absence from the play left a hold which could only be filled by an appearance of documentary objectivity, confusing the audience (ibid).

Philip Purser discerned that, at least, TV’s filmic yearnings had yielded a ‘movie’ in Up the Junction, claiming the proportions of film to video studio were 2:1 (it was in fact, by my exact calculations, 52.6%:47.4%). Purser felt this use of Denis Mitchell’s documentary style with actors was ‘a remarkable breakthrough’, while chiding the ‘over-praise and over-anxiety’ it had elicited, and expressing deep irritation that Dunn, MacTaggart and Loach had tried to ‘take up a total position’ on Line-Up (Sunday Telegraph, 7 November 1965, p. 13). Rather, Purser admired it as ‘a piece of art’, being ‘alive, tangy, exhilarating’, brilliantly shot and played, which ‘flew’, and had ‘dear old Rita Webb’ (ibid.).

Purser’s glowing – and notably anti-sociological – Sunday Telegraph review was also, tellingly, published as an advertisement in both The Listener (11 November 1965, p. 749) and The Economist (13 November 1965, p. 754). Significantly in view of November 1965’s position as a cultural turning point, Alan Brien’s review of Edward Bond’s play Saved at the Royal Court appeared on the same both times (ibid.). Notably, Kenneth Tynan uttered the word “fuck” on BBC3 just ten days after Up the Junction had aired.

A.B. complained of the noise, and its not being a play in the same way the previous week’s A Designing Woman was (Leicester Mercury, 4 November 1965, p. 8). They felt it was ‘essentially a Sunday supplement sort of programme, showing exactly the unfortunate sort of people that Lord Snowdon took such wonderful pictures of the other week for a certain newspaper’ (ibid.).

K.H.H. discovered ‘a kind of cockney “Guys and Dolls” in some ways’, offering ‘life in the raw’, with an emphasis on sexual adventure (Liverpool Echo, 4 November 1965, p. 2). They wanted more hope, feeling Dunn’s play was devoid of it, also noting how ‘surprised and embarrassed’ Dunn was in the phone-in section of Late Night Line-Up, talking to viewers telling her it doesn’t happen in their street and such (ibid.).

B.L. typically admired the play’s ‘vitality’ but expressed irritation at its ‘formlessness’, ‘strident background music’ and ‘sudden camera switches’ (Belfast Telegraph, 4 November 1965, p. 13). They found it ‘a haunting, horrifying picture’ of these people’s lives, who just carry on cheerfully (ibid.).

Peggie Phillips felt it was ‘almost totally destructive, sordid and alienating in its view of working-class English women’, with the only ‘benefit to be gained’ its ‘frightening propaganda against abortion’ (The Scotsman, 4 November 1965, p. 7). Phillips bemoaned Dunn’s ‘small and dingy view of life’, and questioned the BBC Director, Television, Kenneth Adam’s words against cosiness: ‘A few more consequences like this and the livingroom will need fumigation’ (ibid.). Four days later, Phillips returned to her attack, having the gall to call the BBC ‘anti-prudes’ ‘officious’ while also implying support for censorship: wanting youngsters not to be shown ‘such drab details on Sex’, which would lead them away from ‘the pleasures of matrimony and parenthood’ (The Scotsman, 8 November 1965, 5).

In stark contrast, far further south, Michael Unger was amazed by its realism: ‘Every word, every line and every action hung in the air and was engulfed in the powerful, raw and witty actions of the three anti-heroines, ending with ‘Magnificent’ in a single word sentence (Reading Evening Post, 4 November 1965, p. 2). In the Midlands, Sheila McGregor felt the play provided ‘magnificent television’, centring on characters who ‘refused to give in to their appalling surroundings’, while avoiding any ‘romanticised portrait of slum living’ (Birmingham Post, Midland Magazine, 6 November 1965, p. IV).

Jim Webber felt the documentary aesthetics made the programme open to criticism for not accurately representing all of Battersea life, and not just ‘three girls and their background’ (Bristol Evening Post, 6 November 1965, p. 5). The ‘authoress’ Dunn, on LNL-U is said to have explained she was concerned with ‘a specific section of the Battersea population, who did live in this way, talk in this manner, and act thus’ (ibid.). This article blethered somewhat boringly on – and on – with its concerns about the blurring of the lines between fact and fiction.

Alf McCreary noted that Dunn’s play was ‘a racy exposee of “life in the raw”’, which was frank but unlikely to shock a television generation weaned on the material they had been used to over the past five years (Belfast Telegraph, Ireland’s Saturday Night, 6 November 1965, p. 8). Rather typically, McCreary questioned the material, but acclaimed the production as ‘a television tour de force’, only questioning ‘the appearance of one fat, greasy actress who plays the same type of middle-aged Cockney matron in every film or television play I happen to watch’ (ibid.).

Uniquely – to the best of my knowledge – this was the first Wednesday Play to have been reviewed overseas. Otta. in US magazine Variety, sagely notes it had been ‘Much, and falsely, abused for concentrating on the seamy side of life at the expense of sugar-and-spice’, while praising ‘a forthright, pungent and fruitily phrased study’, which ‘had much of the immediacy of a documentary, but with the selectivity appropriate to drama’ (10 November 1965, p. 52). Otta. shrewdly noted the characters’ sense of ‘non-involvement’, and ‘zestful capacity for survival’, acclaiming a ‘fascinating, moving, and true montage of incidents, building up to a celebration of life as it is, rather than as pink spectacles would make it’ (ibid.).

The play elicited considerably more coverage outside of reviews than we’ve seen for any Wednesday Play so far, exceeding even John Hopkins’s two earlier 1965 dramas.

The Halifax Daily Courier and Guardian (4 November 1965, p. 1) carried a front page story thus:

Whitehouse claimed it made promiscuity normal, not facing the issue it already was normal for many people in British society, while arguing young people were being ‘exploited for the indulgence of dirty minds’ and linking it with a wider decadence she saw furthered in Monday’s Twenty-four Hours (ibid.). The Torbay Herald Express (4 November 1965, p. 3), Wolverhampton Express and Star (4 November 1965, p. 23) and Lincolnshire Echo (4 November 1965, p. 1) all carried highly similar copy:

The Daily Telegraph carried a short piece noting Ken Loach’s claim on Late Night Line-Up that they wanted to show ‘the terrible nature of abortion’, while also noting the BBC had revealed its duty officer had been ‘besieged’ with phone calls from viewers after the play’s broadcast (4 November 1965, p. 19). Brian Dean in the Daily Mail quantified this as ‘a record number of protest calls from viewers’: yet, merely, ‘hundreds’, which contained throughout the night after the play and all day yesterday (5 November 1965, p. 11). This article stressed how Whitehouse wanted Kenneth Robinson to meet a delegation, while BBC officials are said to ‘expect Mr. Michael Peacock, head of BBC 1’ to call an internal meeting (ibid.).

John Edwards and Richard Sear wrote a double page spread in the Daily Mirror; Edwards’s piece was somewhat Rod Liddle-esque doorstop journalism technique of visiting Winstanley Road and the Winstanley Arms boozer – ‘where [apparently] some of authoress Nell Dunn’s action took place’ (5 November 1965, pp. 16-17). Pub manager George Murphy reports a lot of anger against the play, while Daisy Lewis, 75, and Amy Martin ‘glowered behind their spectacles’ and use violent invective: ‘Abortions and whoring in Battersea? That Miss Dunn wants knocking on the head’ (ibid.). However, a more nuanced picture is at least clarified: at Garton Glucose factory in Clapham Junction, the men were said to be split 50:50 between those who liked and disliked it and none of the teenagers interviewed were bothered by the abortion scene or ‘free love’ depicted, with Rita Priest, 14, noting ‘There are girls like them knocking around the clubs, with others finding Clapham’s representation ‘pretty sexy’ (ibid.).

Interviewed by Sear, Nell Dunn insisted her writing ‘suggests things for people’s own interpretation’, which is unquestionably true of a play that was polysemic, as audience and critical reception attests (ibid.). The article claims Dunn herself was threatened by ‘phone calls’, sadly unsurprisingly given that Lewis and Martin weren’t alone in their vile attitudes, and she is said to have taken her phone off the hook on 3 November itself (ibid.). The piece recounts how Dunn and Sandford bought a house in Battersea in 1959 and installed a phone and bath, both of which they let many neighbours use due to their lack of such amenities in their own homes (ibid.). Dunn worked for several moments in a sweet factory for 2s. 5d. an hour, and her own humane attitude comes across:

To me the girls I wrote about were tremendous.

Some of them were called ‘slags’ – meaning that they were free and easy with their love. They had marvellous energy.

God knows, if most girls lived up to their standards, the world would be a gayer place. (ibid.)

Dunn also noted how she amalgamated characters from life, with some sections fictionalised, and the Tallyman chapter ‘came from life’, within a whole work aiming to ‘expose the hardships of working class life’ (ibid.).

‘Staffman’ stoutly defended Up the Junction in the Lincolnshire Echo for its sobering depiction of abortion and how the play was ‘anything but the product of a dirty mind’ (5 November 1965, p. 8). They felt the overall effect was ‘surely to scare the impressionable away from loose living’, which, ironically, is a main object of the Clean-Up TV campaigners…

Wolverhampton Express and Star reported a very real Parliamentary brouhaha gearing up, with Conservative MP for Birmingham Selly Oak, Harold Garden planning to table a question next week for minister Kenneth Robinson about how he had replied to Whitehouse’s aforementioned letter (5 November 1965, p. 25). Other groups, including the Catholic Teachers Federation and a group of Birmingham doctors were said to be lending the CUTV campaign their support, attacking the BBC for ‘highlighting moral laxity as normality’, with the latter group pressuring the BMA to put pressure on the BBC (ibid.). A group of women members of the North Hendon Conservative Association at Edgware passed a motion deploring ‘the moral standards now being set by the B.B.C. in TV programmes publicising sex, crime and lawlessness, of which ‘Up the Junction’ was the most recent and shocking example.’ (Belfast News Letter, 6 November 1965, p. 6). The Daily Mail clarified that the 20 Midlands doctors taking a lead in the protests were headed by Birmingham’s Medical Officer of Health, Dr Ernest Millar (6 November 1965, p. 9). Another signatory was Dr David Sturdy, while MP Sir Ian Orr-Ewing is said to have attended the Edgware meeting (Nottingham Guardian Journal, 6 November 1965, p. 5).

The Gossiper questioned their colleague Staffman on earlier praise for Up the Junction, saying: ‘television being fireside home entertainment, it should arrive for a higher level than this’, tiresomely adding that ‘lavatory pan’ would be an apter term than ‘kitchen sink’ to describe it, while damning the play’s characters as ‘illiterates’ (Lincolnshire Echo, 6 November 1965, p. 4). Alan Stewart of the Glasgow Sunday Post denied the play was ‘high drama’, describing ‘a sleazy sequence’ – in his own mind – ‘on a girl who had gone to a back-street abortionist’ (7 November 1965, p. 12). A highly-pro Whitehouse article in her relatively local tag, the Wolverhampton Express and Star conflated the play with a BBC programme on birth control clinics for “unmarrieds” at Birmingham and tried to give credence to a risible comment from an unnamed MP describing Whitehouse as ‘a modern Chartist, demanding from the communicators in 1965 what was demanded – and won – from politicians in the 1830s’ (6 November 1965, p. 16).

Taking a different tone, the Daily Mirror advertised on its front page the next Sunday Mirror‘s serialisation of Dunn’s original book, repeating three times: ‘IT WAS VULGAR. IT WAS RAW. IT WAS LIFE’ (6 November 1965, p. 1).

Columnist Peter Dundas railed against watching ‘silly wee lassies in Battersea […] who’re interested only in sex every other night of the week’, arguing it should have been cut altogether (Glasgow Sunday Mail, 7 November 1965, p. 10). Interestingly, Dundas interviewed producer James MacTaggart, who defended the play this:

I would hate to feel that I was responsible for adversely affecting a young viewer.

I don’t think that ‘Up the Junction’ was shocking or that it gave the impression that Britain is full of good time girls like the ones from Battersea.

We tried to show that a pity it is that there are girls involved in a way of life like this. We want people to understand them – and to have compassion for them.

Some Westerns shock me more than plausible like ‘Up the Junction’ (ibid.).

Dundas remained unconvinced, and the piece was flanked by Marjory Gaston, of Station Road, Neilston and Billy Cullen, 17, of Linnhe Crescent, Wishaw, who find it did not match the youngsters they knew or was ‘distorted and not true to life’ (ibid.).

The Reading Evening Post went so far as to contain a binary debate on the question: ‘Do we see too much of the seamy side?’ (11 November 1965, p. 10). John Fielding argued for, with Rodney Tyler, spectacled, against. Fielding opposed as he felt that, like John Cleland’s novel Fanny Hill (1748), centuries earlier, those claiming it had a high, cautionary moral message were being duplicitous (ibid.). In one sense, Fielding may have been right: Dunn clearly wasn’t intending to morally indict the people or acts being depicted, as her 5 November Mirror interview made clear. But this was no bad thing: it is very much Fielding revealing his own snobbish prejudices when he feels he is watching something that is communicating that ‘people are immoral, fat, sweaty, perverted, ugly, foul-mouthed, lecherous, lying and avaricious’ (ibid.). So few press critics seemed to get that the Tallyman was the only individual being presented as bad by the play. Tyler more wisely commented that it was the technique of immersing us in the Clapham Junction life, not the play’s events themselves, that ‘shocked’ viewers, but then claimed watching is good so that we know ‘the seven deadly sins before’ preaching them (ibid.). However, Tyler shrewdly then reflected that Dunn was not forwarding a moral or immoral perspective, showing and not commenting, and rightly critiqued critics’ absurd attacks on being confronted with realistic language and behaviours, which had ignored the play’s actual communicative content (ibid.).

While Tyler had a concern that this play’s brilliant techniques could be used by a future Hitler, he extolled how ‘The BBC has not gone too far, for it is the purpose of drama to push back the barriers and to explore reality’:

I would rather have a thousand honest “Up the Junctions” to every Dixon of Dock Green or Lockhart, or night at the Stars and Garters on TV. They corrupt far more insidiously by distorting reality in a good cause.

They show a false fake world where human beings are like clockwork dummies and they help to keep the Mary Whitehouses of this world quiet, deluded and ignorant (ibid.).

Reading was a place awash with wise words on Up the Junction, as subsequent viewer letters will show!

Dunn’s plotless narrative was clearly commonly recognised: Shirley Lord in the London Evening News and Star noted how its ‘batch of candid camera shots’ approach applied also to Nik Cohn’s Market, a newly published book with ‘some frank close-ups’ (12 November 1965, p. 4).

Norman Phelps claimed that both the moderniser and traditionalist camps have a point about this type of play, yet somewhat sided with the latter, claiming the ‘small screen has taken as much as it can stand of this particular kind of utterly frank, utterly uninhibited programme’ (Liverpool Daily Post, 13 November 1965, p. 5). Phelps rightly highlights how TV should try and ‘discover new angles’ and do more than ‘comfortable happy little serials’, while also feeling it has to sensitive to how it is a presence in people’s home spaces (ibid.). Phelps accommodated much of Tyler’s wise view, while still claiming it went too far, acidly noting that MacTaggart and Loach’s claim it was ‘partly intended as a moral warning’ was a mere ‘eleventh hour rationalisation’ (ibid.). I would argue that it was a somewhat nervous sop to the media climate of 1965. Phelps noted how Dunn seemed almost in tears at the fact people hadn’t liked the play, and called for an Ombudsman to inform programme makers ‘on how certain programmes might be expected generally to be received’ (ibid.).

Captain Henry Kerby, Conservative MP for Arundel and Shoreham, West Sussex, wrote in, admitting he hadn’t seen the play and could not contribute to the controversy aroused by Lockwood’s review, though he had read and re-read the book and claimed it was of ‘very considerable sociological importance’ as an insight into ‘the lives of “the other half”.’ (Daily Telegraph, 13 November 1965, p. 8). Kerby notes prudes can switch off TV sets, but would certainly be unwise to ‘snap the book shut’ (ibid.).

In a clear sign of Up the Junction’s mainstream appeal and controversial lightning rod status, parts of Nell Dunn’s original text were serialised over three editions of the Sunday Mirror (7 November, pp. 20-1; 14 November 1965, pp. 8-9; 21 November 1965, pp. 8-9). The first of these articles included an image of Dunn riding a bark in a dark urban tunnel flanked by a fine looking canine:

This Sunday Mirror story was previewed in the Daily Mirror (13 November 1965, p. 2):

A prominent front page comment story mused on Tynan uttering the f-word on the BBC at 11:19 pm on Saturday 13 November, noting how as a paper they had first published the word ‘Bloody’ in a War related headline on 1 June 1940: ‘BLOODY MARVELLOUS !’ (Daily Mirror, 17 November 1965, p. 1-2). They detailed how ‘blue-stocking’ ‘Miss’ Marghanita Laski had used five instances of four-letter words in a New Statesman article over the same weekend, writing about the new Penguin Dictionary, without using asterisks as they really preciously do in their article (ibid.). They tried to indicate the Sunday Mirror‘s daring in publishing the excerpts from Dunn’s original Up the Junction text, asking rhetorically whether they are ‘going too far’? then implicitly answering no: ‘morals change, times change, words change, people change. Maybe we shouldn’t take it all too seriously’ (ibid.). The piece ended with an apt dismissal of the moralists’ calls to sack Hugh Greene as DG and Tynan as literary director of the National Theatre, but did question Tynan’s language being used without warning and branded him a ‘theatrical show-off’ (ibid.). Thus, the tortuously convoluted passage of change in the mainstream world of 1965 was writ… colossal!

The pseudonymous “Hotline” felt the worst thing about Up the Junction was how its makers took ‘relish’ in this ‘flood of sex and gutter language [being] poured into our homes in the name of freedom and liberty of expression’ (Port Talbot Guardian, 19 November 1965, p. 10). Stolid conservative reaction follows, with a deputation to local MP John Morris planned and extensive listing of people involved, and how ‘over 100 MPs’ had approved the presentation to Parliament of over 250,000 signatures supporting Whitehouse’s Clean Up TV Campaign (ibid.).

The same day, Katharine Whitehorn reviewed Nell Dunn’s book Talking to Women in The Observer, extolling Dunn’s portrait of nine woman of a similar age to herself – including Ann Quin and Paddy Kitchen – ‘tigerish priestesses of spontaneity [who] have enormous vitality, enormous appeal’ (21 November 1965, p. 26). Whitehorn wanted a bit of external social context, as well as Dunn’s own opinions, contributions and conclusions, but still found it an ‘absorbing, teasing book’ (ibid.).

In a Leeds parish magazine, the Rev. Eric Porteous of St Mary the Virgin, Quarry Hill, stood up for the play, noting he had been a curate in Wimbledon Park, London, and seen all the events of the play:

This is life as it is for many people. We must not believe that life is only what we experience in the four walls of our own home (Guardian, 1 January 1966, p. 3).

Nesta Roberts noted how volunteer social workers among the Sidcup and Chislehurst Grammar School claimed that old people now feared the young:

The popular press and TV has given them the idea that we are a sort of ‘Up the Junction!’ generation, used to attacking old ladies in the street. If you knock on the door, perhaps not having had a haircut recently and wearing an old pair of jeans, they think you are going to attack them. (Guardian, 3 February 1966, p. 6).

The audience research report reveals this was the archetypal Wednesday Play in the sense of attaining a large audience – nearly one in five of the UK public – while also polarising opinion. 25% gave it the highest A+ score, a further 26% an A, while 12% gave it a low C and 17% the lowest C- score (VR/65/619). 20% were right in the middle, ranking it B. Its RI of 58, while fractionally below Play for Today’s, was somewhat higher than the overall average for The Wednesday Play, which, IIRC, was 55-56 or so (ibid.).

The more granular detail included that there was a group broadly sharing the morally affronted perspectives of the more cloistered critics, terming Up the Junction ‘Disgusting, degrading, and unnecessarily sordid’, with the emphasis on ‘sex and squalor’ giving what they felt was the false impression that Battersea was peopled by ‘teenage sluts, young hooligans and vulgar old harridans’ (ibid.). Notably, the report claims that those who doubted the play’s veracity were a small minority among the sample of viewers, with rather more among the negative group just not finding this reality entertaining (ibid.). Conversely, over half found it ‘compulsive viewing’, strongly admiring Dunn’s capturing of ‘the brave, gay defiance of ordinary men and women’, loving how there was no ‘obvious ‘message” (ibid.). One viewer called it ‘the nearest thing to real life I have ever seen on television’, attesting to the success of Loach and Garnett’s approach, immersing us in the feelings of everyday South London life (ibid.). Two particular individuals spoke eloquently to how it was reflecting neglected working-class experiences:

Anyone who complains about this programme is complaining about life itself’, declared an Electrician, while a Housewife concluded: ‘How can I be offended by a way of life I remember as a child? (ibid.)

Performances were broadly felt to be ‘amazingly natural and realistic – ‘terrifyingly so’, in some cases, with many even refusing to believe they were by actors! (ibid.). The excellent outdoor scenes were felt to be integrated smoothly with the studio interiors, though some viewers felt there were excessive close-ups and ‘unnecessarily loud background noise’ drowned out the dialogue (ibid.). While some were ‘disconcerted’ by the play’s unconventional structure, this did not become a groundswell of opinion, with others noting shrewdly that this distanced it from typical drama, though they felt it should have been specifically framed as a ‘dramatised documentary’ beforehand (ibid.).

Public letters published in the press included Percy C. Brown of Birmingham 23, who admired its realistic staging, but felt it was ‘an offence against public decency’, out-Hogarthing Hogarth ‘and the anatomy episodes were over-protracted’ (Birmingham Post, 5 November 1965, p. 6). A definite snobbery resounded:

Typical, alas, of much that goes on today in the lower strata of society, the majority of the scenes and episodes constituted a flagrant abuse of dramatic art, and an unsavoury reminder of the steel decline that has taken place in speech, manners and morality int eh last three decades. (ibid.)

A Mrs. A.M. of West Heath, Birmingham wrote to claim she had ‘nearly smashed the television to bits’ in anger, feeling very personally affronted that the representation of young people did not match her own family: her sons own a motorcycle, but don’t ‘go drinking in pubs. They go fishing every weekend and there must be thousands like them’ (Birmingham Sunday Mercury, 7 November 1965, p. 27). I’m sad to have to be acerbic here, but why did so many people seem to struggle with the idea of fiction that had a licence to depict groups of people different to many viewers’ direct experience?!

The Glasgow Sunday Mail Magazine carried three letters on the play, a rare occasion a Wednesday Play headed this section of the paper (7 November 1965, p 16). James Duncan of Kirkintilloch Road assailed this ‘smut’, which was not ‘normal’, claiming dubiously some authority in being a teenager himself, while N. Lawson of 36 Castle Terrace, Edinburgh used the words ‘sordid’ and ‘drivel’, yes of course they did! (ibid.) Inevitably, our old mucker the Daily Mail signal boosted a similar Whitehouse acolyte from Wilberforce Road in Leicester, a Mrs B. Corby, decrying ‘filth’, yet above that carried a Mrs Joyce Thomson of Charlmont Road, Tooting, SW17, who praised its acting and righteously railed:

When are people going to wake up to the fact that sex is one of the basic enjoyments of life and always will be. I am not degenerate or weird. Just a happily married woman with a young daughter. (8 November 1965, p. 8)

Tooting celebrated freedom long before old Woolfie! At least if you just glanced at the press, you’d get the sense Mrs Johnson was outnumbered, but such is the persistent loud shouting of authoritarian conservative zealots.

In the first of several Daily Telegraph letters, Edna Stanway of Lymington, Hants, decried its depravity, then tellingly ended: ‘Is it too late to appeal for higher standards or must we leave it to the Communist countries who ban this type of decadence to carry forward the ideals of clean living and civilisation ?’ (8 November 1965, p. 12). Conversely, Tony Smythe of Reading found it ‘full-blooded, vivid, sympathetic and highly amusing’, slamming Lockwood’s partial review and claiming the characters were ‘a reasoned and fair proportion of the Clapham Junction scene (ibid.). Smythe, tired of a ‘surfeit of mournful seaside resorts and other kitchen sink dramas’ hoped that Lockwood’s comments wouldn’t discourage more dramas like Up the Junction (ibid.). An R.C. Grinham of London, SW11, backed up Smythe, claiming the dialogue was ‘studded with wit and shrewd observation – it was a giggle from beginning to end’ (ibid.).

Two letters in the Daily Mirror slammed the play. A Mrs H. Spalding chastised the Mirror’s TV critic for praising the play; while she was able to admit ‘some people do live in a disgusting manner’, the play made her ‘boil’, while a Mrs W. Delaney of London SW11 felt it unfairly depicted Battersea as ‘a cess-pool’; A. Humberstone of London EC1 was brief and tersely to the point: ‘Congratulations to the B.B.C. Let’s have more real-life plays for the people who live in reality’ (8 November 1965, p. 10). Unfortunately, then, many Northerners let the side down. W.L. Keighley of Ferndale, Blackley Road, Elland, backed up Whitehouse, feeling plays had been well worth watching in the mid-1950s, but decried how now the BBC persistently encouraged ‘the half-baked efforts of immature weirdies’ (Halifax Daily Courier & Guardian, 9 November 1965, p. 4).

Furthermore, ’57 Readers’ purporting to be ‘a group of responsible adult women of all ages, from all walks of life’ protested against a ‘vile and disgusting programme’ (Manchester Evening News & Chronicle, 10 November 1965, p. 3). They claimed to have considered sending a protest about other past plays, but this ‘all-time low standard’ spurred them to act: ‘we wish to censure any producer or head of department who passed this for public viewing’ (ibid.).

Conversely, two fine letters in the Reading Evening Post displayed level-headed Southern sense. G.G. Tate, of Birdhill Avenue, Reading, wryly noted how ‘This sort of life exists […] in most large towns and most intelligent people know this’, and that this sort of drama could actually do more good than ‘lectures’, while perceiving that the Whitehouse lot ‘do enjoy viewing disgustedly’ (9 November 1965, p. 8). A Mrs Frances Woollett of 22 Matthews Green Rd., Wokingham, turned some anger on Whitehouse herself: ‘I refuse to let her speak on my behalf. By whose authority does this woman appoint herself watchdog?’ (ibid.). Meanwhile, Rhoda Fraser, of 5 Scotland Street, Edinburgh, demolished Peggie Phillips’s review for missing the point of a ‘brilliant slice of life’, with ‘a great warmth of feeling’ towards its characters, and how ‘the warm seediness of the old borough’ was ‘giving way to the cold, high blocks of flats (The Scotsman, 9 November 1965, p. 8). This is a great letter, showing wisdom that Phillips was writing from a blinded ‘genteel’ perspective; Fraser fully got the play in a way few of the critics did:

The participants’ engagement in life, their “knocking” of out-of-touch officialdom, their search for love, their tolerance and their awareness of the threat of the H-bomb were surely all rich and positive qualities. (ibid.)

Meanwhile, an extensive discussion continued in the Wolverhampton Express and Star (10 November 1965, p. 12). P.R. Skidmore felt the BBC should encourage ‘that which is pure, and that which is right, and that which is holy’, but was outnumbered by ‘Tiger Wallace’, who claimed near pornographic books and some films would corrupt far more than Up the Junction, and by a certain Richard James Whitehouse, of Northwood Park, Wolverhampton, who followed up on his 6 November letter. This other Whitehouse discerned a cautionary message about careful driving, terming the play ‘a masterpiece created by brilliant teamwork’ (ibid.).

The Gossiper notes a housewife writing to tell them that highly educated white collar boys in Lincoln got up to similar behaviour – ‘All night parties, moonlight bathing (when the weather permits), week-end orgies etc.’ (Lincolnshire Echo, 11 November 1965, p. 3). She seems to feel they aren’t as open as the Battersea women, ending: ‘I am not condemning them – only wish I was young enough to join them…’ (ibid.).

A ‘Hans Christian Andersen Reader’ claimed not to have a TV, but found discussions of Dunn’s ‘sordid epic’ interesting, ending with a call to accept sex, but just as a small part of our lives, without ‘dirty sniggering’ (Leicester Mercury, 12 November 1965, p. 4). Barrington Roberts of Walberton, West Sussex rather snobbishly set themselves above the fray of those Telegraph correspondents who had viewed it, and passionately argued for or against the play’s merits, patronising them all as being alike as ‘a captive audience’ like that desired by advertisers (Daily Telegraph, 12 November 1965, p. 16).

Mrs V. Colebrook of Hastings, East Sussex reflected, obviously but necessarily, that ‘No doubt there are many people in Battersea who are not a bit like the people in the play […] But just because they are not is no reason to deny such lively characters exist’ (Daily Mirror, 12 November 1965, p. 10).

David Boulton of Elstead, Surrey wisely objected to the ‘Miss Stanways of this world telling me what will or will not corrupt me’, referring back to the previously outnumbered Edna Stanway letter of 8 November (Daily Telegraph, 16 November 1965, p. 21). This gradual backlash of good sense in the Daily Telegraph pages – despite apparent reactionary missives from “Peter Simple” [Michael Wharton] is significant: showing Tory England was far from uncomplicatedly aligned with Mary Whitehouse.

Furthermore, it is worth reflecting that a mere 0.005% of the estimated audience phoned into the BBC duty log about the play – and I don’t yet have evidence these were all necessarily negative calls – while fewer than this wrote into the press to complain. By and large, I estimate over 5 million people liked or really liked Up the Junction, with maybe 2.5 million disliking or hating it, to varying degrees, and 1.7 million being more mixed or neutral.

Academic Madeleine Macmurraugh-Kavanagh felt viewers had misread Garnett’s intent about abortion, those being positive towards the play feeling it was a chilling warning against abortion itself rather than a pro-abortion piece which indicted women being compelled to have backstreet abortions; she also noted how Loach and Garnett learned from this polysemic ambiguity, subsequently making Cathy Come Home crystal clear in all respects  (op. cit., pp. 253-4). While I’d argue that Macmurraugh-Kavanagh is overly emphasising the negative minority’s misreading of the text, it clearly did make Up the Junction a complex, divisive text, where Cathy would provide unifying through its Theatre Workshop style blend of Brechtian distancing and Dickensian sentimentality.

At a Conference to herald the January 1966 Wednesday Play run, starting with The Boneyard, BBC Head of Plays Michael Bakewell led from the front in noting that of the 9.5 million who had watched the controversial play, 400 had ‘registered their embarrassment’ (Guardian, 4 January 1966, p. 2). Notably, James Green had earlier noted how the postbag initially contained letters ‘all viciously in protest. But letters arriving two or three days later are less biased and often favourable to the programme’ (London Evening News and Star, 18 November 1965, p. 11). Mary Whitehouse was to have her very first TV appearance on 24 November, following a confrontation in the pages of the Daily Mirror with progressive campaigner Avril Fox and Harrow New Town Councillor, who along with seven like-minded women, is said to have kicked off an anti-Whitehouse ‘freedom for TV’ campaign with a letter to the New Statesman on 19 November.

Asa Briggs – who listed Up the Junction as one of his four landmark Wednesday Plays or Plays for Today from 1964-74 – records that there were 460 telephone calls to the BBC about the play, and that it sharply divided the audience (1995, pp. 522, 1013-75). Yet, as we have seen it had many strong public and media defenders, and the play quickly became canonised. In April 1966, Troy Kennedy Martin felt it had lifted drama ‘out of the rut and makes nonsense of the idea that television is only a poor relation of theatre or film’, claiming it was better than any British film of 1965 and more important than any play seen in the theatre (Contrast, p. 137). Martin noted how rare it was that directors in TV were given the time to develop like Loach had been, from Teletale onwards; he situated Loach alongside Peter Watkins (1935-2025 RIP), as directors whose works ‘explode out from the run of the mill material (ibid., p. 139). Martin also identified how Loach was getting viewers to feel rather than think, praising how he

uses sound to carry the momentum of a play. Girls chattering up stairs, noises, pop music, an overheard conversation about a gasworks, wild sound and crystal clear snatched phrases, statistics all provide the movement while the camera punches out the meaning. (ibid.)

In terms of journalistic urgency, historian Christopher Bray made the most significant claims of all, arguing that Up the Junction influenced the 1967 Abortion Act, which legalized abortion through the NHS (2014, p. 245). Within a month of the play’s broadcast, politician Lord Stonham cited it in a debate as exposing the grim reality faced by young women forced into illegal abortions. The discussion also highlighted class inequality – wealthy women could pay for safer procedures while the poor suffered most. The 1967 Act finally ended this injustice, passed by the Commons in July that year and coming into force on 27 April 1968. (Apparently, the BBC stopped a planned 1966 repeat due to the political sensitivities; a subject I will need to return to when I have more time, as the cuttings I have located primarily tackle the immediate aftermath of the original broadcast…)

Ken Loach won a Craft award for Drama for his work in directing Up the Junction at the Guild of Television Producers and Directors in 1966-7. A feature-film was subsequently made; this was directed by Peter Collinson – just before The Italian Job (1969) – and written by Roger Smith, of Wednesday Play fame. This BHE Films production was distributed by Paramount Pictures and ran just under two hours. It was passed for release by the BBFC with an X certificate on 15 September 1967. A 2008 Paramount DVD release attained a 12 for ‘moderate language, sex references and abortion theme’. The film was apparently a commercial success, but received mixed critical notices.

The play was cemented even more in the national consciousness when London band Squeeze recorded ‘Up the Junction’, inspired by and which alluded to the Wednesday Play, released as single on 18 May 1979, two weeks after Margaret Thatcher’s Tories won the general election. Thus, it quickly assumed a mood of nostalgia for Swinging mid-Sixties Britain, unquestionably a time of some optimism in comparison to 1979-84, when the Second Cold War, the Afghanistan War, theocracy in Iran, Thatcher’s cruel capitalist restoration and dread at nuclear war were all experienced.

I haven’t the time to do a full survey of the extensive academic coverage the play received. Julian Petley noted how Worsley’s critique of the play’s blending of fact and fiction directly echoed that old BBC force Grace Wyndham Goldie’s attacks on Peter Watkins’s The War Game in the Sunday Telegraph (in McKnight (ed.), Agent of Challenge and Defiance: The Films of Ken Loach, 1997, p. 28). The most extensive coverage is in John Caughie (2000, pp. 114-20), Jacob Leigh 2002: 39-46 and John Hill (2011, pp. 36-50).

Idiotically, the BBC Four repeat on Wednesday 18 January 2025 was prefaced by the announcer claiming Dennis Waterman and Maureen Lipman were in it, getting haplessly confused with Peter Collinson’s 1968 film version.

Finally, we must return to what this play says about how times were changing. Christopher Bray put it very well, about 1965:

And so while over the succeeding half century our culture has fallen prey to sporadic outbursts of censoriousness, the people of Britain have shown no interest in undoing the good, liberating work of 1965. They know there is no going back to that mythical vision of a world before the fall. And they know that anyone who imagines he can take them back needs watching very carefully. (op. cit., p. 245)

— Many thanks to John Williams for supplying the 100 press cuttings (yes, 100 exactly!) that made the extent of this article possible. Thanks also go to Juliette Jones for professional transcription of my interview with Linda McCarthy, and to Linda McCarthy herself for spending time talking with me.

If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂

Exploring The Wednesday Play’s Legacy At 60 – 03:03: ‘A Designing Woman’ (BBC1, 27 October 1965)

The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.

This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all Wednesday Plays up to the end of 1965, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis. A selected number of plays from 1966-1970 will be covered.

03.03: A Designing Woman (BBC One, Wednesday 27 October 1965) 9:00 – 10:15pm
Directed by Brian Parker; Written by Julia Jones; Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Roy Oxley; Music by Norman Kay

Our latest Wednesday Play to recover for posterity is Julia Jones’s A Designing Woman.

The Liverpool Daily Post previewed what ‘promises to be the feminine equivalent of “Billy Liar”. The woman didn’t mean any harm, but she just had to blab’ (23 October 1965, p. 6). A.B. was hopeful A Designing Woman would be good, as writer Julia Jones’s The Navigators from TWP’s second run, earlier in 1965, was ‘one of the most delightful TV plays I have ever seen’ (Leicester Mercury, 27 October 1965, p. 28).

The play concerns shy, gentle housewife Milly (Rhoda Lewis), who cannot tell the truth and isn’t a good liar (Staffordshire Evening Sentinel, 27 October 1965, p. 6). Again, Tony Garnett previewed the play, stating that Milly and husband George live in a tiny semi-detached somewhere in Lancashire, and that Milly has feelings deep down which tell her to keep lying, to express herself (Radio Times, 21 October 1965, p. 43). Garnett describes Jones as living a settled family life in a London suburb, and that he trusted her with the very bare idea she had – less than a synopsis – due to the success of The Navigators. He felt this play, directed by strand regular Brian Parker, was ‘delicate’, ‘very funny and moving’ (ibid.)

In A Designing Woman she [Julia Jones] again reveals how extraordinary ordinary people are. In fact she shows that there is no such thing as an ordinary person (ibid.).

This is another where no copy exists to watch, so I’ll have to swiftly move on to the facts about its broadcast and reception.

Audience size: 8.96 million

Share of overall TV viewing audience: 64.4%

The opposition: BBC2 (New Release / The Vintage Years of Hollywood: Now and Forever [1956]), ITV (News / Frank Ifield Sings / Crime and the Bent Society: 1 – The Face of Villainy)

Now and Forever seems, probably, to be a British film directed by Mario Zampi, not from ‘Hollywood’.

Audience Reaction Index: 67%

Reviewed in London press publications consulted: 21.4%

Reception: Largely this was well liked by two-thirds and disliked by a third of critics, with little appreciable difference between London and other critics. There was a similar paucity in the number of reviews too, odd given the play’s wide popularity with viewers. The large audience largely loved a modest, telling and quietly emotive domestic comedy.

Peter Black regretted that he did not see the whole play, but saw enough ‘to confirm my view that the author is a born entertainer’, after admiring her previous ‘pleasant’ Wednesday Play comedy, The Navigators (Daily Mail, 28 October 1965, p. 3).

Lyn Lockwood diverged from the general admiration for Julia Jones by claiming to be ‘in a minority in finding her latest North Country domestic comedy too much of a snail’s pace’, with pauses and realistic dialogue ‘running the play down to a dead stop’ (Daily Telegraph, 28 October 1965, p. 19). While she liked Rhoda Lewis’s ‘suppressed young housewife’, Lockwood bemoaned Reginald Marsh’s Uncle Arthur as a ‘ponderous […] caricature of a police sergeant’, with the actor occasionally giving ‘the impression of being caught by the cameras in slow motion’ (ibid.).

Frederick Laws found ‘more pleasure’ in Jones’s piece than in another Northern writer Keith Dewhurst’s The Siege of Manchester (The Listener, 11 November 1965, p. 771). Laws loved a modest play with a ‘practical plot, elegantly timed comedy’, with ‘lovely fat parts’ all brilliantly acted, being ‘pitifully grateful for a brief play as well made as a good short story’ (ibid.).

Among non-London critics, A.B. went even further, proclaiming Julia Jones a BBC find: a ‘star writer’, indeed (Leicester Mercury, 28 October 1965, p. 29). While not having The Navigators’ novelty, this was still ‘a delight to watch’, and they liked how it confounded some audience members’ received ideas of what is realistic (ibid.). This play mixed ‘realism and fantasy, tragedy and humour’, and would please more open-minded viewers, aided by Marsh and Lewis’s ‘wonderful exactness of movement and speech’ (ibid.). There was even an ending ‘hilarious and sad’, simultaneously, making A.B. decry how the BBC repeats perceived low caliber comedies by Eric Sykes and Harry Worth above repeating quality plays like this (ibid.).

N.G.P. felt it worked due to Jones’s ‘interesting and fully rounded characters (Liverpool Daily Post, 28 October 1965, p. 3). They loved Marsh’s sly scheming to enliven his retirement by luring the wife Milly away, all worthy of ‘a Field Marshall planning a great campaign’, and also Rhoda Lewis and Margery Withers’s playing which added ‘to the sense of comedy in depth’ (ibid.).

Furthermore, the ending ‘really surprised’; while it all felt somewhat over-stretched, ‘This was one of those plays which managed to be homely without being trite, and which are seen too rarely on the small screen’ (ibid.).

Down south, Michael Unger notes how the play ‘smacked at the rigid conventions that bound’ the lives of the play’s South Lancashire characters, in a locale where ‘everyone hates each other’s guts yet puts on a façade of pleasantness’ (Reading Evening Post, 28 October 1965, p. 2). Unger felt it was as dull as the characters, and ‘dragged abominably, like the slow Northern accents the actors were wearing’ and claimed to have counted ‘n’ amount of suitable endings long before it had wrapped up (ibid.).

The audience response was much warmer than towards The Girl Who Loved Robots, and exceeded even that towards Alice. It was ‘just the sort of story’ viewers ‘liked to see enacted on screens’: a quiet domestic comedy, which also had ‘distinction and originality’ (VR/65/599). Jones’s play was admired for its clear, conventional structure, and for being ‘really rather touching in places’, with its ending of Milly ’emerging triumphantly’ satisfying most viewers (ibid.). A small minority felt bored by the dialogue’s ‘leisurely pace’, with others questioning realism due to not feeling they’d ever met anyone like these characters (ibid.).

Yet, overall, most wanted to have Julia Jones, like her play’s main protagonist, ‘at it again’ writing for TV: showing a major success of The Wednesday Play’s openness and nurturing nature (ibid.). Viewers loved Rhoda Lewis’s performance, an unfamiliar, new face, with a wonderful ‘stillness and tranquility so rarely seen today’; John Collin, Reginald Marsh and Margery Winters were all praised (ibid.). A few felt that Marsh had overdone Arthur, the ‘slow, ponderous type of policeman’, though more felt he was a ‘joy’ and the performance would long remain in their minds (ibid.). The production itself was felt to have backed up an entertaining piece ‘in a wholly competent and suitable manner’ (ibid.).

In the press, letter writer E. Gilham of Bexleyheath, Kent, felt the play ‘brought such a refreshing breath of air to Television’, describing Rhoda Lewis as Milly as ‘certainly a lovely girl’ (Sunday Mirror, 31 October 1965, p. 22).

It is such a shame that this doesn’t exist in the archives; as Simon Farquhar has argued, Julia Jones is part of the key Play for Today tradition of small scale, moving human storytelling: her early works would shed great light on a crucial, 36-year screenwriting career.

If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂

Exploring The Wednesday Play’s Legacy At 60 – 03:02: ‘The Girl Who Loved Robots’ (BBC1, 20 October 1965)

The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.

This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all Wednesday Plays up to the end of 1965, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis. A selected number of plays from 1966-1970 will be covered.

03.02: The Girl Who Loved Robots (BBC One, Wednesday 20 October 1965) 9:00 – 10:30pm
Directed by Brian Parker; Written by Peter Everett; Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Douglas Smith; Music by Cornelius Cardew

A policeman’s hunt for a murderer leads him into a strange and threatening world. (Daily Mail, 20 October 1965, p. 20)

This next Wednesday Play first figured in the press in a vein of mild levity. In September, the Daily Mirror had a jokey short article ‘Isobel – the robot lover’, discussing how actress ‘Isobel Black, 22’, was left with one robot to love, after eight of the nine which were built for the production vanished in dress rehearsals on 9 September: “I think they walked out on us”, Black is quoted (10 September 1965, p. 7).

In the Daily Express, Black claimed: “I’ve lost my little monsters”, with the BBC quoted as claiming seven of the eight robots were missing – which Black termed “darling little things – they wander all over the place” (10 September 1965, p. 11). The piece ended with a similarly lighthearted call to ‘Ring the BBC’ if you see any wandering robots (ibid.).

The Observer previewed The Girl Who Loved Robots as a ‘thriller’ ‘set among the glittering world of space-men and rockets’ by 34 year-old writer Peter Everett, noting his ‘prize-winning’ novel, Negatives (1964). Like other papers, the Staffordshire Evening Sentinel carried a photo of Isobel Black (20 October 1965, p. 6). Coventry Evening Telegraph trailed a ‘space-age thriller’ set in 1970, wherein ‘human machines coolly’ await ‘the countdown’: during ‘these tense moments’, the ‘mystery is solved’ (20 October 1965, p. 2). Adrian R. Purslow had not been impressed by the previous week’s Alice, failing to spot its ‘motive’, and feeling the series ‘continues on Trial’ with Everett’s play (Rochdale Observer, 20 October 1965, p. 9).

This contrasted with story editor Tony Garnett’s account of Peter Everett as a ‘young, very hip’ writer, with ‘wild, brilliant’ and coveted prize-winning novels which he and fellow story editor Kenith Trodd knew (Radio Times, 14 October 1965, p. 49). Trodd ‘tracked him down to Camden Town’, just as Everett was off to Spain ‘to make a film with the eminent director Claude Chabrol’, and he persuaded Garnett and Trodd of an exciting idea for a TV play (ibid.).

19 year old Victory du Cann (Isobel Black) is a nightclub hostess: ‘She is beautiful. She is dead. Cause of death: murder. […] Assassin: unknown’ (ibid.) Somewhat wryly, Garnett noted that ‘Another casebook opens for Inspector Antrobus [Dudley Foster], and yet another sordid crime. It is all very unpleasant.’ (ibid.) Out of the window, Antrobus sees a futuristic world – five years hence – ‘a fabulous alloy empire’, with a rocket to be manned by three supermen-machines who ‘coolly await the final count-down’ (ibid.) Antrobus’s investigations were to lead him into ‘secret and threatening territory’, exploring why the girl was killed (ibid.).

Writer Peter Everett (1931-1999) was born in Hull and another of the many grammar school educated dramatists who worked on The Wednesday Play/Play for Today, and was apparently linked to varying degrees with Richard Hoggart – who taught at the local WEA – and Philip Larkin, according to Dan Franklin’s obituary. In the 1950s, he ‘evaded National Service by feigning insanity’ and hitchhiked to London and Soho for the ‘bohemian life’ (ibid.). He soon began writing poems that were published and radio plays broadcast on The Third Programme. His novel Negatives won the 1965 Somerset Maugham Award, and later became a 1968 feature-film directed by Peter Medak.

After three more novels and The Girl Who Loved Robots, he wrote and directed his own low-budget feature-film, Last of the Long-haired Boys (1968), wherein a Second World War pilot struggles to adapt to civilian life. This film was not released theatrically. Everett managed a run of four half-hour plays/films for the Thirty-Minute Theatre, Centre Play and Premiere strands from 1973-78, none of which I’ve yet seen.

When 50, Everett discovered Marx, being delighted now to have an all-purpose analytical tool to construct and deconstruct not just politics but paintings, books, architecture, religions’ (ibid.). He moved to Sheffield in 1984, the ideal place to ‘witness the last stand of the working class’, while a late resurgence was evident in several novels that Dan Franklin helped publish, including Matisse’s War (1995).

Franklin and writer Eric Coltart’s accounts of Everett indicate a cantankerous, skint bohemian, raging at the literary business and maintaining his grit and integrity; in his meeting with Hollywood film producer Sam Spiegel (1901-1985), he would not lie and compromise when asked his favourite recent movie, naming a Godard film – and thus being ‘given the bum’s rush’, in Coltart’s words (ibid.).

The Claude Chabrol project clearly does not seem to have come about.

None of the press coverage highlights the involvement of musician Cornelius Cardew (1936-1981), who worked with Stockhausen, then followed a Godardian path towards politically revolutionary ideas, indeed becoming in 1979 a co-founder of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Britain (Marxist–Leninist), rejecting Maoism and endorsing Hoxhaism, after the Albanian dictator. Cardew wanted his music to communicate widely to the people, hence rejecting the more elite tendencies of modernist musique concrete. His music for this play might have been more in the Forbidden Planet vein, who knows?

I cannot assess this production as no copy exists in the archives, though it’s another to follow the early Wednesday Play’s customary pattern of being androcentric: a cast of 15 is 80% male, including varied, powerful presences like Kevin Stoney, Norman Rodway and Geoffrey Hinsliff. The ‘girl’ in the title is dead, seemingly from the off.

Audience size: 7.08 million

Share of overall TV viewing audience: 42.9%

The opposition: BBC2 (Teach-in on Rhodesia from Edinburgh University), ITV (News / Frank Ifield Sings / A Question of Loyalty: Klaus Fuchs)

Admirable scheduling there on BBC Two: three hours of a Teach-in concerning Ian Smith’s racist regime in Rhodesia, from 8-11pm.

Audience Reaction Index: 47%

Reviewed in London press publications consulted: 21.4%

Reception: Everett’s Wednesday Play received scant, and mixed, responses from London critics, while pleasing non-metropolitan journalists rather more, by and large. A large audience reacted in a typically mixed fashion, if somewhat more negative than average.

Maurice Richardson liked an ‘ambitious production’ and ‘an ingenious plot: arrogant astronaut […] had coshed a tart – motivation obscure; dedicated detective was forcibly prevented from arresting him by order of the space project boss’ (The Observer, 24 October 1965, p. 25). However, ‘a lot of the embroidery was so corny and illogical’ and he felt the dialogue was rich in ‘that new advertising copywriter’s style which is becoming the rage among TV playwrights’, with ‘prize’ lines like “She liked the smell of outer space on her men” (ibid.).

Philip Purser worried that his taste was incompatible with Wednesday Play producer James MacTaggart’s, criticising ‘a nervous itchy to be swinging and with-it’, exemplified by new opening titles with ‘a model in Ungaro gear unloading a portable television set from a helicopter, like a fashion magazine saluting the Age of Technology’ (Sunday Telegraph, 24 October 1965, p. 15). Purser enjoyed how this was ‘the first TV. play I’ve seen to try to capture some of the romance, the prodigious adventurousness, of space exploration’ and unusually questioned ‘the role of the astronaut as a superman’ and mocked ‘the circus atmosphere of a launching’ (ibid.).

Purser loved the particularity of this and an Ancient Mariner-like veteran astronaut character, but quickly became irritated by its low-budget and old, recycled newsreel footage: ‘there was the usual attempt to pass off Southall gasworks (I think) as a corner of a multi-million pounds rocket site. Furthermore, he questioned ‘the ponderous formality’ of much dialogue and felt a ‘basic disinterest (or even disbelief) in the characters themselves’ (ibid.). Anticipating Norman Rodway in the Play for Today Baby Blues (1973), his character here was a ‘callous ranter’, while the murdered girl ‘was no more than a pretty face and figure’, and he was unconvinced by the detective and another ‘whore”s attempts to ‘drum up pity for her’ (ibid.). Purser felt overall that it lacked drama.

Patrick Skene Catling found it one of the year’s most interesting plays, with universal symbolism (Punch, 27 October 1965, p. 620). Catling liked how Thelonius Monk’s ‘richly neurotic’ rendition of ‘Just A Gigolo’ established ‘the mood of insanely selfish sexuality that dominated the story’, feeling Norman Rodway as the astronaut, Isobel Black ‘as the prostitute murderee’ and Dudley Foster as the police detective were all ‘excellent’. While David Dodimead as a failed astronaut ran a brothel and gambling hell near the launching side and ‘made vividly nasty speeches of Genet disillusionment (ibid.). Catling felt in tune with the play’s invective:

There were some poetic excesses in the dialogue, but the level of outrage was admirably even, and powerful language was needed to express the author’s powerful ideas about mad, exultant technocrats with Messiah complexes, and a public conditioned to adore blast-offs as though they were the ecstatic climaxes of some sort of intergalactic Ready, Steady, Go! (ibid.)

Argus in the Glasgow Daily Record liked an intriguing twist, but felt the play was ‘spoiled by a dialogue too technical and obscure’, with the murder aspect downgraded compared to the drama of the rocket shoot (21 October 1965, p. 10). Usefully given the play’s archival absence, they outline an early ‘prolonged’ shot of ‘girl’s battered body followed by the horrific close-up of a man’s badly burned face’ (ibid.).

John Tilley was heartened by a good detective story, with fresh writer Everett producing a ‘winner’ (The [Newcastle upon Tyne] Journal, 21 October 1965, p. 5). Tilley perceived a theme of the astronauts’ detached arrogance, feeling themselves ‘demi-gods’ and the sadly hapless position of Foster’s detective: ‘What chance does a policeman have when he wants to halt a moonshot which all the nation is watching?’ (ibid.). Tilley calls Foster one of his favourite TV ‘character actors’, and he liked the morally ambiguous ending, with the suspect getting away in the rocket (ibid.).

Peter Forth felt it a ‘strange story’, with Foster ‘effective’ as ‘an ordinary, decent man faced by an extraordinary set of suspects – seven astronauts, three of whom were about to be launched at the moon’ (Western Daily Press, 21 October 1965, p. 7). Rodway was ‘splendid’ as the ‘monomaniac with an overwhelming power complex’, aiding ‘a grand, weird, out-of-this-world play’ (ibid.).

The audience response was below par. A Dairyman was ‘perplexed’, with others’ antipathy summarised by the words ‘pretentious’ and ‘mumbo-jumbo’, despite being an initially welcomed ‘space age ‘who-dun-it” (VR/65/587). An anti-climactic ending, ‘unreal’ situations and characters and a generally boring approach, with more talk than plot or action, were all indicted; while a Chemical Engineer felt trained astronauts would not be ‘so stupid as the characters in this play’ (ibid.).

However, a substantial minority found it an interesting, thought-provoking and ‘refreshingly different’ play, with tension and an ‘adult style’:

The danger of elevating men to Superman status was very apparent as was the necessity to maintain acceptable moral values (ibid.).

Others mused on the ‘disturbing but absorbing’ scenario of science being raised above human law (ibid.). A fair few other viewers were in the middle, between the play’s advocates and detractors, being intrigued but also disliking its ‘moralistic arguments’ (ibid.). The report edged toward negative, with castigation of ‘boring monologues, especially from irrelevant characters like Carfritz, padded out the whole tedious affair’ (ibid.).

Among actors, Dudley Foster was often praised, with some exacting critique of the production, with the rocket site resembling more an oil refinery, while too much cross-cutting between scenes and to newsreel was also disliked, though some felt newsreel and, especially, cuts to crowd reactions, lent authenticity (ibid.). Most critiqued in the production was Cornelius Cardew’s incidental music – ‘loud, discordant and, at times, most distracting’ – with a comment veering into philistine Matthew Parris territory: ‘sounded like a five year old tinkering with the piano’ (ibid.).

There was one letter to the press. J. Rolland, of 5 Pembroke Street, Glasgow, C.3, wrote in to acclaim a ‘classic thriller’: ‘I’ve never been more intrigued or horrified by a play’, which possessed ‘blood and thunder, horror and a terrifying ending’ (Glasgow Sunday Mail, 24 October 1965, p. 16). Gripped, Rolland felt sure it would get an “X” certificate in the cinema (ibid.).

While this is clearly one of the least remembered or garlanded Wednesday Plays, it would as always be a fascinating historical window into 1965, and it’s annoying that we can’t access its potential insights or longueurs!

If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂

Exploring The Wednesday Play’s Legacy At 60 – 03:01: ‘Alice’ (BBC1, 13 October 1965)

The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.

This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all Wednesday Plays up to the end of 1965, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis. A selected number of plays from 1966-1970 will be covered.

03.01: Alice (BBC One, Wednesday 13 October 1965) 9:05 – 10:20pm
Directed by Gareth Davies; Written by Dennis Potter; Lewis Carroll (books); Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Michael Wield; Music by Peter Greenwell

A relatively rare front page Radio Times feature for The Wednesday Play or Play for Today…

The play, set in the Oxford of 100 years ago, started slowly with a long sequence of shots of college architecture which led me to expect that John Betjeman would walk in and tell us all about it. Unfortunately he did not. (Western Daily Press, 14 October 1965, p. 7).

I’m fascinated, with Dodgson, how considerable art can come from repression. (Dennis Potter in 1983, speaking of his film Dreamchild; cited in Humphrey Carpenter, 1998, p. 177).

Welcome back! Series 3 of The Wednesday Play was coming into being as The Wednesday Thriller – which I didn’t bother assessing – was airing over the summer ‘break’. As Ian Greaves, David Rolinson and John Williams’s excellent endnotes to their collection of Potter’s non-fiction clarify, location material was shot from 21-28 August 1965, while studio dates fell on 14-16 September 1965 (Dennis Potter: The Art of Invective – Selected Non-Fiction 1953-94, 2015, p. 338). According to Humphrey Carpenter (1998, p. 158), writer Dennis Potter, already highly prolific, was paid £750 for Alice, a play centring on Charles Dodgson and the Liddell family and their influence on his creation – as Lewis Carroll – of Alice in Wonderland a century ago.

The first mention in press cuttings I’ve located concerning Alice predates the shoot: noting that John Saunders would be appearing as the March Hare ‘in a play dealing with the life of Lewis Carroll’ (The Stage and Television Today, 5 August 1965, p. 11). The Radio Times billing was to indicate that Thornton was played by John Steiner, who ‘appears by permission of the Royal Shakespeare Theatre Company’ (7 October 1965, page unclear).

Dennis Potter’s play was to tell the story of how Charles Dodgson ‘came to write his classic’ Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (1865); this preview claims the Oxford don ‘came alive […] IN THE company of the little girl to whom he told stories’, but who ‘”died” a little in the shadows of his lonely room’ (Liverpool Echo, 9 October 1965, p. 2). Previewer Ken Hankins termed Dodgson ‘a strangely complex personality’, in a play which opens a season of 13, starting George Baker as Dodgson and Deborah Watling as Alice (Peterborough Evening Telegraph, 9 October 1965, page unclear).

Glasgow’s Daily Record‘s basic preview claimed the scene ‘is set with a rowing boat sailing slowly down the river’, as stuttering clergyman Dodgson tells Alice his tales (13 October 1965, p. 15). The Hartlepool Northern Daily Mail also featured a – different – photo of Rosalie Crutchley, playing Mrs. Liddell, looking imposing with her long, serious face (13 October 1965, p. 3). The Staffordshire Evening Sentinel was one of two West Midlands papers to note that the previous Wednesday Play series reached an average audience of 7.5 million, while previewing this new play, set in 1860s Oxford: ‘a gentle story’ dealing with ‘the anguish behind the magic’ (13 October 1965, p. 6). This preview also claims that director Gareth Davies ‘took his camera to Oxford to capture the lyrical authenticity of an England at peace with itself’ (ibid.).

Geoff Lane noted how The Wednesday Play’s previous series’ audiences were ‘well outside the normal catchment for straight drama’, though that despite this success, he found the season ‘a hotch-potch, lacking any overall theme or direction’ (Wolverhampton Express and Star, 13 October 1965, p. 11). Notably, Lane claims the 13 new plays are ‘designed to appeal to all tastes’, having ‘a common approach to life, that of the documentary’ – surely emphasising Tony Garnett’s fresh input (ibid.).

Garnett, the strand’s story editor, noted how excited he and others in the team were about the new series: ‘In office and pub, late into the night and through marathon weekends, I have enjoyed the company of a number of Britain’s most stimulating writers’, some new to TV, others previous Wednesday Play discoveries or established writers joining for the first time (Radio Times, 7 October 1965, p. 47). Garnett claimed ‘Each week will be a surprise’, given how ‘individual’ each writer is, and that, contrary to what Lane implies, ‘the series will not run to a set formula – pace, style, setting, and subject will vary from week to week’ (ibid.).

However, Garnett claims there are commonalities:

Whether we are in the year 1865 or 1970, in a mining village or an Oxford college, with an aristocrat or an astronaut, we shall try to face things as they really are. We are not in the wish-fulfilment business. We will try to show the real hopes and conflicts of some ordinary – and some extraordinary – people, honestly and directly (ibid.).

Garnett claims that they will need to break rules, and while not setting out to offend, ‘we may be provocative – but out of compassion that comes from a concern for human beings. We invite you to join us and hope you will be with us every Wednesday (ibid.). This is crucially hedged humanistic language, rather than confrontational Marxism: much likelier therefore to engage the average Radio Times reader.

Echoing Garnett, Geoff Lane’s preview (op. cit.) goes on:

The aim is to find the drama of real life, in the street and in the home; escapism and sentimentality will definitely be avoided by all the contributors. This does not mean a season of kitchen-sinks – the plays will be about extraordinary as well as ordinary people, and the settings may be historical.

Alice is one of these, delving ‘into the strange and contradictory circumstances’ in which Dodgson’s storytelling began (ibid.). Potter’s second Wednesday Play was promoted by a Radio Times front page photograph of Deborah Watling in the foreground with a blurry rustic landscape behind her (7 October 1965, p. 1). Watling, 17 when this was shot and broadcast, would later play another Victorian, Victoria Waterfield, as travelling companion of Patrick Troughton’s Second Doctor in Doctor Who in 1967-68.

Jack Bell in the Daily Mirror interviewed Potter, who was “a bit worried about how people will react. As a book, Alice seems to rank second only to the Bible. When we started recording some of the studio staff said that we shouldn’t do this to Dodgson, that we should leave him alone.” (13 October 1965, p. 18). Potter is said to show Dodgson as ‘a celibate – and repressed – clergyman with a bad stutter and a fear of women’; himself noting that Alice was the only ‘love’ of his life and that as she grew up; “his books deteriorated. And when she married an undergraduate, he gave up the one hobby he was good at, photography. He obviously suffered tremendous disappointment and rage.” (ibid.).

George Baker as Charles Dodgson

Potter based his play on Dodgson’s diaries, while Bell notes Mrs Liddell destroyed his letters to her daughter Alice; the playwright notes his subject “couldn’t stand talking to adult women” and was “a very prudish man who would storm out of the theatre if anything questionable was said on stage” (ibid.). Potter claims his aim was simply to “know more about the author” of “one of the best-written books ever.” (ibid.).

Tony Garnett noted how the play asked why Dodgson seems ‘so downcast in spirit, so anxious to cling to the moment?’ when he is with Alice, and that the answers are ‘moving and unexpected’ (op. cit.). He notes Potter’s ‘tenderness and understanding, bringing alive the public world of the Mad Hatter and the private world of its creator’, and how it will surprise those who have long loved the books, and ‘might move’ those who have dismissed them ‘as mere yarns designed to keep the children quiet’ (ibid.).

Before outlining my own responses to Alice, here is Dennis Potter expert John Cook’s interpretive commentary, inspired by watching the play again recently.

John Cook writes: On the surface, a period drama, set amongst the sleepy Oxford spires of one hundred years earlier, hardly seems to have been the most appropriate way to kick off the 1965 run of The Wednesday Play following its summer break.  This was about as far from ‘agitational contemporaneity’ – the words Head of BBC TV Drama Sydney Newman would later use in the press to characterise the overall tone of The Wednesday Play slot – as you could possibly get.  But look closer and one sees the challenge and the provocation underlying the comfortable period surroundings and the cut-glass accents – that ‘authentic lump of white gristle’ (The Sun, 15 February 1968) lurking within the evening’s bland TV viewing which Dennis Potter would come to prize about The Wednesday Play. 

For at the heart of Potter’s second transmitted TV play is a worry: was one of the greatest works of imagination in the history of English literature really the product of a closet paedophile ? Here, the play walks a careful knife-edge both in terms of scripting and performance.  Was the Reverend Charles L Dodgson, real-life Lewis Carroll, simply an odd eccentric of the Victorian age – a man who wished to arrest time ?  Perhaps this is the reason why, in the play, he loves to capture little girls through photography before they change and grow up and why he rails against any modernisation to his beloved Christ Church College, Oxford, where he has spent his life as a mathematics tutor.  Or is there something darker?  Why does Dodgson talk about ‘marriage’ at one point in the play with ten year old Alice Liddell, daughter of the Dean of Christ Church college and real-life model for his ‘Alice’ in Alice in Wonderland?

And why does Alice’s mother worry so much about the relationship she burns Dodgson’s many letters to her daughter?  Is there a hidden darkness beneath Dodgson’s visions of the ‘wonderland’ of childhood?  Or is it the so-called ‘adult’ world which is the dark place, with its constant suspicions and instant judgments about the behaviours and motives of others who in the end are simply different?  The key line of the play is when Mrs Liddell stares out of her window at night, her image reflected back in the window pane, and says she has never liked to look from a lighted room into the dark because the reflection comes between you and the dark outside: ‘You have to be in the dark yourself to see into the black out there’.     

These were themes disturbing and uncomfortable for 1965 – even more so now.  This is why Alice (in spite of some dated aspects to direction and performance, especially the realisation of the fantasy scenes from Alice in Wonderland) remains an affecting play to watch here. It is best viewed alongside Potter’s feature film Dreamchild (dir.: Gavin Millar, 1985), which was released almost exactly twenty years later. Here, Potter revisited the events from Alice but this time from the perspective of Alice Liddell when, as an eighty year old, she sails to America in 1932 to receive an honorary degree from Columbia University in recognition of being the inspiration for Alice in Wonderland but who through this process finds herself troubled by the same dark adult suspicions about whether Dodgson’s intentions for her were really ‘pure’.  In the course of the film, the elderly Alice has to take a journey inside her own memories and Dodgson’s imagination (via scenes from Alice in Wonderland expertly recreated by Jim Henson’s Creatures Workshop) to try to find some answers and gain some form of emotional closure.  This she succeeds in doing, finally realising at the end that Dodgson’s work was indeed created out of a genuine innocent love for her as a gift to ensure her immortality.   

Written twenty years earlier, in a splurge of creativity as he seized his newly discovered ‘vocation’ as a television playwright (notebooks in the Potter Archive show contemporaneous drafting with Stand Up, Nigel Barton), Alice therefore looks forward to and foreshadows many of the major themes that would later come to define Dennis Potter as a writer: the worlds of fantasy and non-naturalism; the interrelations between life and fiction; childhood and innocence but also the spectre of adult sexual abuse out of that innocence. Already, Alice seethes with these themes in ways that might have made it seem odd and uncharacteristic to those at the time who had previously seen Potter as principally a writer of political and social critique but which seem wholly characteristic and in keeping now. 

Now, for my assessment of the play…

Rating: *** 1/2

This immerses you in Charles Dodgson’s distinctly unusual life and times, with a clear sense of a modernistic but nuanced 1965 lens on distant oddities and fundamental clashes – childhood/adulthood; tradition/change. Potter’s drama enables regular moments of excruciating awkwardness, making it clear how Dodgson’s stammer and his sexual repression (as according to the 1930s Freudian revisionist view of him, anyway) made him both apart from and a part of Victorian society.

The play goes a bit further than may seem wise in suggesting that he is repressing paedophilic urges towards Alice, given that evidence actually suggests he was attracted to adult women, but his socially conservative family subsequently excised these elements from his diaries, matching his own prudishness which Potter dramatised here. However, playwrights ought to have dramatic licence to portray long dead real people in whatever way they deem necessary, and Potter – himself a victim of sexual abuse in childhood – creates an unsettling, complexly ambiguous and fraught portrayal of a situation. Dodgson may be perceived to be doing good by sublimating his sexuality into his work; for once, Victorian hypocrisies and inhibitions helping. Or, he may simply be innocent in his intentions.

Overall, it remains a mystery exactly what his feelings were – and his sexuality – and it seems a total fool’s errand to use his photography as relevant ‘evidence’, given it was a standard Victorian aesthetic practice to – bizarrely to us today – feature nude children in Christmas cards and the like. A contested 2015 BBC documentary seems to have been blinded by Yewtree era hysteria in perceiving what was unlikely to be there, playing credence in one particular image which there’s no evidence is even linked with Dodgson.

Potter incisively portrays social frostiness and the Liddells’ well-to-do distant family life as being just as strange as Dodgson, himself termed “a rum sort” and “a loony” at different points. It’s made implicitly clear that Rosalie Crutchley’s mother is an influence on Dodgson for the Queen of Hearts – relating to his oddly possessive view of Alice – yet we also sympathise with her sensitivity to what might be really going on, and her loneliness, with her husband utterly mired in dulling habits. Her husband, the Dean Liddell, also brilliantly played by the excellent David Langton, is deeply attuned to the institutional politics of Oxford University, and advances a nominally “progressive” view, favouring changes to buildings and infrastructural improvements. This is admirable in context, compared with Dodgson’s utterly stubborn desire that nothing ever changes: wanting time pickled in aspic. But the Dean’s lack of attentiveness to his wife and daughters seems utterly arrogant and detached: symbolising the Victorian man of public affairs whose private sphere is simply an appendage.

The climactic picnic by the lake scene is devastatingly well written and played, revealing the diseased social imagination of practically all characters gathered. One of the young men, seemingly interested in the Liddell daughters, develops Alice’s scornful attitude to Irish labourers in an especially nasty vein. Alice herself finds this highly amusing and joins in with this gauche, venomous banter.

A conventionally rum ‘un!

Lorina is markedly more sympathetic in criticising them, but even this is merely from the perspective that their ‘Oirish’ impressions are not technically good.

Lorina Liddell (Tessa Wyatt)

The mother here shows how she has influenced her daughters’ social prejudices, part of the adult world that indeed deserves critique and needs remedy. Dodgson then stumbles pitifully through ‘The Mock Turtle’s Dance’: Potter’s drama clarifying how adrift he is in his innocence, and making you feel for him more than if the family and male posho hangers-on had been expressing a more refined worldly outlook. For me, this scene’s portrayal of Dodgson’s abashed innocence overrides the ambiguous darker hints elsewhere to strongly imply he is not a paedophile.

Overall, the effect is to show how they are all adrift in different ways. It does not need directly communicating how these idle rich prattlers are clearly offering much less that is socially useful than, say, Irish navvy labourers who built the UK’s railways.

Dodgson, too, is clearly made to seem a distant out-of-touch Tory in bemoaning anything “mechanical”, including trains – where he unhappily resides at the play’s bookending scenes – and seems implacably opposed to any changes that may make lives easier for the majority, or even update existing Oxford architecture. The way he speaks to the labourer on the ladder is absurdly offhand, showing the ingrained entitlement of his class, however awkwardly expressed.

Potter therefore satirises the whole of Oxford society, especially these principals, as staid and apt influences for Carroll’s gallery of nonsense-spouting, hidebound animals in Alice in Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass. He indicates that Carroll’s genius was in how Dodgson keenly observed patterns of behaviour and speech around him, and then converted them into entertaining, eccentric fantasy. He also shows how Carroll’s storytelling was, implicitly – perhaps unknown to Dodgson himself – self-critical: a queasy, yet necessary, outlet for a brilliant, but restless and addled mind marooned in childlike innocence and disturbed by changes in the material and intellectual worlds.

Gareth Davies, Potter’s customary director in the 1960s, handles the drama subtly. There are relatively long takes with necessary, occasional close-ups and camera movement, and the mise-en-scene displays Baker’s, Watling’s, Langton’s and Crutchley’s performances to best advantage.

Ibsenite naturalism, domestic gloom…

The latter pair’s distant domestic scene – where she burns Dodgson’s letters – is textbook Ibsenite naturalist staging rendered carefully clear to TV viewers. Editing is occasionally used with stylistic force, as when Dodgson expresses a rare, odd joy when he has sorted out his present to Alice (which he never gives, it being superseded by his gift of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland to her). The very abrupt cut from his glee has a harsh dissonance which mirrors, and further underscores, the play’s initial view of Dodgson’s suppressed urges.

I’d say, overall, this is a curiously overlooked play, absent from Wednesday Play canons, perhaps due to how it is extremely wince-making, comparably even to Abigail’s Party and The Office, but depicting a world far stranger and more temporally distant. This is one of Potter’s complex and intelligent dissections of the lines between an individual’s creative labour and their own lives. While it initially seems on the side of the 1930s revisionist view of Dodgson – which may have been Freudian projections of what was not there, or unlikely to be – it carefully does not preclude other interpretations, and indeed I am finally convinced of Dodgson’s innocence, even if he is an infuriating personage!

Fundamentally, Alice is also yet another Wednesday Play which undermines heroic myths. It also forwards a bleak view of Victorian life in Oxford at that time, exposing social coldness and distance, and how those favouring progress and those against it were both marred by their vast blind spots, domestically and publicly. It makes clear how the boat excursion where Dodgson first creates fantasy stories was a necessary historic moment, initiating one of the most powerfully surreal stories ever fashioned. Thus, while it is rather scathing about Dodgson as a man, Potter’s play pays tribute to his art – even if the extracts from it are a tad underpowered, and the play’s only main weakness.

Best performance: ROSALIE CRUTCHLEY

A brilliant lonely monologue, evoking King Lear and Samuel Beckett in its invocation of “nothing”

The playing is really well-judged throughout. As Dodgson, George Baker gives a performance of tremulous discomfort and headstrong priggishness. It must have been a tough ask to play, but he does an excellent job of evoking a strange, precious, precise and painfully upright middle-aged man, who is – rightly or wrongly in biographical terms – suffering from some form of arrested development.

Deborah Watling and Tessa Wyatt convey the performative Victorian ideal of young womanhood. David Langton is floridly confident and genial, anticipating his Upstairs, Downstairs character Richard Bellamy – his voice barely different – while also expertly enacting the Dean’s obliviousness and carelessness. Billy Russell has a grizzled charm early on as a working-class gardener.

Overall, I have to award it to Rosalie Crutchley, who ranges from blank Brechtian non-playing and Pinteresque elision to icy strength and brittle social callousness. Her performance is only mentioned by one of the many TV critics who assessed the play (none of them mention Langton!).

Best line: “Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland… [sighs] With inadequate drainage, no doubt…” (Dean Liddell).

David Langton delivers this very line

Audience size: 5.69 million

Share of overall TV viewing audience: 37.7%

The opposition: BBC-2 (New Release / The Vintage Years of Hollywood: The Bank Dick [1940]), ITV (News / Cliff and the Shadows / The House on the Beach)

Audience Reaction Index: 62%

Reviewed in London press publications consulted:

Reception: Broadly very positive, by the press in and outside London: one of the best received Wednesday Plays so far. One or two took more of an aversion to the unsavoury representation of Dodgson’s infatuation with Alice, but more tended to see this as an emotional attachment overstepping the mark. Viewers were also largely positive, but with some reservations.

An anonymous critic noted an attempt to ‘penetrate the world of the awkward, starting, puritanical mathematics don who called himself Lewis Carroll’ and was shown as ‘aware of but unreconciled to time’ in his too deep attachment to Alice Liddell (Times, 14 October 1965, p. 16). They perceptively described ‘a sad, sometimes painfully embarrassing play’, of ‘desolate power’ with Baker’s ‘bravura’ performance insisting ‘that the viewer squirmed with him’ (ibid.). They also acclaimed how Potter used Lorina’s climactic reading from Alice in Wonderland as ‘a singularly courageous piece of writing’ in context: emphasising Dodgson becoming reconciled to Alice growing into adolescence (ibid.).

Peter Black described a seemingly new Wednesday Play title sequence, which he felt was totally ‘incongruous’ in its contemporaneity to Potter’s ‘dramatised feature’ which followed (Daily Mail, 14 October 1965, p. 3). Black loved ‘the authentic magic’ of the dramatised excerpts from Carroll’s Alice… books, but felt the play lacked ‘tenderness and understanding’, with Alice compared to Lolita and Dodgson not emerging as credibly human (ibid.). He also felt that Oxford as depicted didn’t feel like it had a wider life beyond the ‘persons of the drama’ (ibid.). However, Black liked the ‘unexpected touch of wit’ in Maurice Hedley’s performance as Mr. Macmillan, the publisher, ‘got up to bear a striking likeness to his grandson, Harold’ Macmillan (ibid.).

Mary Crozier saw how Potter’s tale underlined Dodgson’s ‘sadness’, noting she would have liked more of his stories’ ‘absolute logic and conviction’, to leave a ‘heavy’ narrative of ‘loneliness’ (Guardian, 14 October 1965, p. 9). In contrast to Black, Crozier found it ‘sensitive and imaginative’, aided by ‘excellent photography’, with George Baker making Carroll ‘touching’ (ibid.). Crozier found Watling overly ‘mature’, like many juvenile leads at this time, while it was ‘odd’ how a rowing boat remained stationary as Carroll told his tale in 1862, though, overall director Davies ‘secured a quiet, unhurried mood’ (ibid.).

Lyn Lockwood would have liked more probing of Dodgson’s psychological ‘make-up’, feeling the dissolves into Alice in Wonderland extracts ‘intruded upon the mood that was being created’ (Daily Telegraph, 14 October 1965, p. 18). Yet, Lockwood felt the end sequence had ‘the spirit of melancholy, the atmosphere of time gone beyond recall’, being ‘beautifully and completely caught’ (ibid.). She felt Baker got much greater opportunity to act than usual, and regarded Watling’s performance as ‘charming’ (ibid.).

Sunday coverage included Maurice Richardson, who perceived that Dodgson’s ‘passion’ for Alice ‘appears to have been more or less sublimated’ (Observer, 17 October 1965, p. 25). Thus, he questioned Potter’s portrayal of Dodgson’s ‘barely repressed, volcanically smouldering paedophilia’, and Watling’s Alice being so ‘preposterously nubile and provocative that it was poor old Dodgson who stood in need of care and protection’ (ibid.). Richardson felt that Baker struggled manfully with his part, but that it wasn’t a ‘very happy exercise in documentary reconstruction’: ‘a desperate cloud of telly-vulgarity hung heavy’, and it was a misstep to include the scenes from the book (ibid.). However, he did like the interview scene between Carroll and Macmillan (ibid.).

While Maurice Wiggin didn’t see all the play, he felt able to express that “everyone” had found it beautiful and it was, with Baker’s Dodgson ‘one of those fully imaginative possessions, or re-possessions, which haunt the memory’ (Sunday Times, 17 October 1965, p. 49).

The play was quite widely reviewed outside London. Argus found it something ‘new, surprising and different’, fulfilling the strand’s promise via a ‘mature and moving drama’ (Glasgow Daily Record, 14 October 1965, p. 17). ‘It was juvenile yet sophisticated; profound yet fairy-like. A magnificent play which would have appealed equally to fans of “Watch With Mother” or followers of “BBC-3.” (ibid.). This most glowing review needed with a claim that, if this BBC quality was maintained, ‘ATV’s drama section will have something to worry about’ (ibid.).

Peggy Philips thought Alice a ‘beautifully written examination’ of Dodgson and the Liddells, with the script having ‘outstanding verbal precision’ and ‘poetry’ (The Scotsman, 14 October 1965, p. 7). The acting added to an ‘enthralling play, rich in sympathetic insight’:

going far beyond the dingy psychoanalytical into a personal tragedy which, contrary to the publisher’s estimate of “Alice in Wonderland,” was shown to be indeed “distilled out of some private agony.”

Philips saw Alice’s ‘brisk, unwitting cruelty that springs from a child’s innocent and careless view of adults’, with the play clarifying that ‘the tormented Mr Dodgson subconsciously avenged his wounds by making her so very disagreeable a little girl’ (ibid.). I would add that she is highly disagreeable already: in the climactic scene by the lake! In a highly positive end, Philips expects the Wednesday Play to ‘get a considerable audience’ if this standard is maintained (ibid.).

N.G.P. acclaimed its ‘strange, elusive sort of beauty’, noting Dodgson’s alternations between charm and ‘sudden moods of sulky silence or explosions of rage’ – and praised Baker and Watling as skilled and perfect interpreters. (Liverpool Echo, 14 October 1965, p. 3). In contrast to Richardson’s interpretation of clearly paedophilic urges, they felt it was ‘an “I wonder” rather than “I suspect”‘ scenario (ibid.).

K.H. found Baker’s performance the ‘highlight’, in a ‘revealing account of bitter-sweet moments’ in Dodgson’s life; a ‘skilful production, directed with a sensitive touch and played with sincerity by a talented cast’ (Peterborough Evening Telegraph, 14 October 1965, p. 2).

Peter Forth felt Deborah Watling was too old and a deliberately ‘flirtatious young miss rather than the innocent but forthright child who crossed swords with the March Hare and Humpty Dumpty’ (Western Daily Press, 14 October 1965, p. 7). Forth found Dodgson unappealing, ‘swinging between outright rudeness and a sugary kindliness when talking to the little girls’, with his ‘Long stares at Alice’ imparting an unsavoury ‘infatuation’ (ibid.). Backing Richardson’s interpretation, Forth felt Rosalie Crutchley’s mother’s suspicions were well-founded, though overall, felt the play was ‘Too slow, too long and very much too clever’ (ibid.).

Omnes regarded Alice as a ‘most sympathetic’ telling of the story behind Carroll’s masterwork, with Baker giving a ‘finely tuned in portrayal’, though the clips from the book again came in for stick (Huddersfield Daily Examiner, 16 October 1965, p. 5). Omnes felt there needed to more of these sequences to lighten the play’s heavy tone, or none at all, not the few we get (ibid.). In contrast to other readings of Watling’s Alice as a Lolita, she is ‘charmingly ingenuous’, and the play held out high hopes for the new Wednesday Play run (ibid.).

Geoffrey Lane found it a ‘moving, sometimes beautiful and often painful experience’ to watch (Wolverhampton Express and Star, 16 October 1965, p. 14). Again rather countering Richardson and Forth’s reading, he felt there was no ‘sexual innuendo and psychological booby-traps’, noting it was ‘too deep an emotional attachment to a child’ (ibid.). Lane acclaimed Baker’s ‘performance of brilliance and conviction’, highlighting his moments of ‘sudden eagerness’ as ‘striking’ and the great scene where he extemporised on Twinkle, Twinkle, Little Star (ibid.). Lane found the dramatised extracts from the novel as unfunny, slow and lacking in wit, but like a fair few other critics, liked the Oxford settings in the play’s main sections (ibid.). Oddly, he noted Alice’s ‘charm and coltish grace’, comparing her to a horse (ibid.).

The play had an impact, even for those who missed it! Elgin’s The Northern Scot and Moray and Nairn Express included correspondence with Mrs Georgie Christie of Blackhills, Lhanbryd, grand-niece of Dodgson, who was disappointed to have missed the play when it was on (16 October 1965, p. 6). Christie notes her father once met Carroll and she has letters she wrote to him, also recalling the actress Nancy Price gifted to her and her sister when children ‘the baby pig’ used in a London stage production of Alice in Wonderland (ibid.).

Alice elicited a relatively strong RI of 62, above mean averages for any overall Wednesday Play series, perhaps reflecting the popularity both of Carroll’s classic writing and of TV period dramas in general – the phrase ‘period charm’ appears in the audience report, oddly considering my own interpretation of its Victorian gloom and human awkwardness (VR/65/570). A critical mass of viewers acclaimed its ‘great sensitivity’ and its portrayal of ‘the background to the famous story [was] most appealing’, with Potter painting ‘a perceptive and moving portrait of the central figure’ Charles Dodgson (ibid.).

A fairly sizeable minority departed from this broadly ‘cordial response’. Funnily enough, a few are said to have never even liked Carroll’s classic, while other purportedly serious adults sneeringly felt the subject was hardly ‘stimulating fare for adults’ (ibid.). Most interestingly, others criticised Potter’s play as it was overly disturbing given their ‘fond recollections’ of Carroll’s tales: they found Dodgson a ‘tragic clown’ and felt ‘his attachment to the young girl seemed over-emphasised [which made] it rather unpleasant, and although known to be odd, he appeared altogether too eccentric almost foolish’; one viewer is quoted: ‘I cannot believe “Lewis Carroll” was such an inane person’ (ibid.).

Most viewers admired the acting, though a few echoed pro-realist press critiques that Deborah Watling ‘appeared too mature, modern and sophisticated’ – odd, considering Potter’s skilled depiction of her stereotypical prejudices in the climactic scene! (ibid.) Impressively, a fair few viewers had ‘special praise’ for Rosalie Crutchley’s portrayal; while there was a divided response to the acted scenes from Alice in Wonderland, many found them enjoyable, also liking the make-up (ibid.). Overall, the play and its production was broadly enjoyed, with settings and scenery aptly enabling one viewer’s immersion:

one could imagine oneself back in that era (ibid.).

Jonathan Miller’s remarkable Alice in Wonderland (BBC One, 28 December 1966) received a more ‘bi-modal’ reception, gaining an RI of 57 on its original broadcast and then an even more divided response of 50 when repeated in the late afternoon on Sunday 2 April 1967 (BBC WAC, VR/66/727 & VR/67/220).

In the Sunday Mirror, a Mrs C.M. Carter of London, SW17, wrote in to assert that she had been a maid, 58 years back, in the house next door to where Rev. Dodgson lived with his two maiden sisters in Guildford, Surrey (17 October 1965, p. 22). Carter claimed he ‘always’ carried a bag of sweets to give to every child he met, and how she ‘never thought then that his book would live on all these years after he had gone’ (ibid.).

J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd. advertised a new edition of both books to mark the centenary of Carroll’s classic, noting how Potter’s play had provided ‘some staggering publicity’ (Bookseller, 16 October 1965, p. 1868).

Subsequently, the play was repeated on BBC One on Wednesday 6 July 1966 at 9pm, up against a Bob Hope comedy feature-film, Nothing But the Truth (1941) on BBC Two and Dickie Valentine and Cilla Black on ITV. The Daily Mirror listings termed Carroll ‘an unhappy, lonely, eccentric figure’ (6 July 1966, p. 14). Well before the film Dreamchild, which John Cook highlighted, Alice was adapted for radio by Derek Hoddinott and transmitted on the BBC World Service on 17 June 1979, and later surfaced on BBC Radio 4 on 28 November 1979 under the Afternoon Theatre umbrella (Greaves, Rolinson & Williams eds. op. cit.).

If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂

Book review: Justin Lewis (2025) INTO THE GROOVE: THE 1980s: THE ULTIMATE DECADE IN MUSIC HISTORY

Like Lewis’s previous book Don’t Stop the Music: A Year of Pop History, One Day at a Time this isn’t simply discrete nuggets of trivia, but is constructed in a way that enables the informed reader to spot patterns, make connections and gain a deeper sense of 1980s music history as a result. Lewis has extensive knowledge, curiosity and open-mindedness about music of all kinds, and his love for the art form shines through in a book which is precise and detailed, while being fervently passionate.

The more linear structure, from 1 Jan 1980 to 31 Dec 1989, works well, and the first and last entries form a wonderful bookend, especially as they pertain to perhaps my favourite UK #1 single of all time. Trends perceivable include the gradual rise of hip hop, house from Chicago and Detroit, music videos and the interrelation of adverts and popular music.

Lewis’s book reveals how, in the UK, Northerners did great work: in the North West, The Durutti Column, The Teardrop Explodes, The Fall, Half Man Half Biscuit, Echo and the Bunnymen, The Mighty Wah, Paul McCartney, The Smiths, New Order and Electronic, who Lewis understandably argues produced the culmination of Eighties music with ‘Getting Away with It’. The North East forces included Trevor Horn, Pet Shop Boys and Prefab Sprout, with Newcastle also inspiring The Dream Academy’s superb ‘Life in a Northern Town’. Key Yorkshire and Humberside acts included Everything But the Girl, The Housemartins, ABC, Heaven 17, the Human League and Warp Records, while Scotland delighted us with Aztec Camera, Orange Juice, Altered Images, The Proclaimers, Strawberry Switchblade and The Blue Nile. The Eurythmics, a Lewis favourite band, of course, blend Scottish and North East roots. Some crucial Black British artists emerged and thrived, like Imagination, Linx, Sade and Neneh Cherry, all given their due. What a decade!

Lewis has managed to mention all key popular acts of significance. Geniuses like Peter Gabriel, Kate Bush and Prince all rightly take a central place throughout, while it gave me more appreciation of Madonna’s developing role, leading to the vast ‘Like a Prayer’, on a par with ‘It’s A Sin’ in its magnificence. I’d personally have liked inclusion of somewhat more obscure propositions like New Musik, This Heat, Camberwell Now, Cabaret Voltaire, The Passage and Sudden Sway, not to mention indie disco pop delights from The Bodines and The Wake. And the tragic Marcel King should be part of the story. Viv Stanshall’s album Teddy Boys Don’t Knit (1981) is an omission, as is Lee Scratch Perry and Adrian Sherwood’s Time Boom X De Dead (1987)… But as with his previous book, Lewis’s efforts to detail music from around the world are impressive and commendable, and clearly not everything can be included in a book of under 300 pages!

Like Don’t Stop the Music, there is a rightly an unapologetic – and also non-didactic – inclusion of music’s political reach and impact. There is much of interest about the Cold War here – and Soviet and American abuses of human rights – and the dismal impacts of Thatcherism on the UK, unemployment and the Falklands (‘Shipbuilding’ is mentioned). But, towering above all else is the popular  movement against apartheid in South Africa. Page 137 alone details the callous (Queen) and righteous (Microdisney) responses of musicians. Lewis details how Jerry Dammers’ uplifting Special AKA song ‘Nelson Mandela’ (1984) exceeded its creator’s intentions, making people ‘do much more about it than think’ (p. 100). In terms of personal, domestic political life, ‘The Boiler’ by Rhoda Dakar with the Special AKA and ‘Luka’ by Suzanne Vega stand out as two of the most crucial songs of the decade, in communicating the evil men do: rape and domestic abuse.

Overall, reading this, you will learn and laugh. You will need to exercise your noggin to see the historical narrative it is constructing of Eighties music and culture, and that’s no bad thing. Lewis is a careful, incisive chronicler of music lore, revealing a kaleidoscopic web of connections that made the 1980s a formidable and adventurous decade. (Oh, and I’m delighted to have listened to excellent early Run DMC albums as a result and to discover just how much of a neglected banger Chris Rea’s unlikely Balearic deep cut ‘Josephine’ is!)

Thanks to the publisher for an advance copy of this book that I’ve fully read before its 2 October publication. I’m looking forward to listening to the inevitable Spotify playlist!

Book review: Lanre Bakare (2025) WE WERE THERE

This is an absolutely vital book, in that it felt like it comprehensively filled a notable gap in my existing knowledge: Black Northerners’ contributions to culture. Bakare reinstates Black figures like the award-winning dancer Caesar into the history of Northern Soul, while sensitively delineating significant figures as diverse as Claudette Johnson, Julian Agyeman, Ellery Hanley, Martin Offiah and George Evelyn, who I’d only tangentially been aware of at best.

This book also valuably exposes how Scotland was long in self denial about racism, but then eventually managed to pre-empt the serious cultural self-examination of the MacPherson Report south of the border, and made significant strides to a more enlightened path. Bakare ensures we grasp how David Oluwale (1930-1969) and Axmed Abuukar Sheekh (1960-1989) were murdered in Leeds and Edinburgh respectively, in horrifying racist attacks predating Stephen Lawrence’s (1974-1993) in London. Bakare necessarily decentres London, revealing a history both of racism and warm spaces of inclusion across Scotland, Wales and the English North and Midlands. Bakare also tellingly recounts the history of Black Liverpool activists tearing down the statue of pro-slavery MP William Huskisson in Toxteth in 1982, predating Colston’s timely descension and nautical sojourn in Bristol by 38 years.

The Wolverhampton Art Gallery, the Wigan Casino and the Reno nightclub in Manchester – facilitated by Phil Bagbotiwan, with Persian a key DJ – are among many spaces which Bakare reveals as enabling, contrasted with the exclusionary attitudes of many white people walking in the Lake District. God’s copper James Anderton figures as a persistent, Whitehousian villain, while Bakare discerns waves of urban regeneration in Liverpool, Manchester and Cardiff which initially had some progressive benefits, but there is a sense that the Heseltine-Blair era moves simply enabled capitalism to rebrand and move into new areas. Gentrification was the overwhelming human result, which means the sorts of urban radical togetherness of the 1960s-80s now feels a distant prospect.

Bakare pinpoints the Fifth Pan-African Congress occuring in Manchester on 15-21 October 1945 and how the attendees went onto be key figures in postwar African Independence movements. This perhaps left me wanting a bit more exploration of how these movements fared, amid the Cold War and progressive attempts to break the binary like Non-Alignment and the New International Economic Order – and how British Blacks related to this – but then that would require a book on its own to do that justice! There’s an expansiveness to the book that discerns pre-1945 eugenic racism finding its street manifestation in rioting in Cardiff and other cities. The Liverpool L8 and Tiger Bay chapters reveal the frightening reality that the best establishment figures were patronising paternalists, though, gradually the richness of multicultural life in these pioneer communities became clearer to more people, though was ill served by political decision makers.

A subterranean thread is how, despite Labour enabling an overdue upsurge in Black MPs in 1987, it would often be more mavericks like Tony Wilson who acted to break down boundaries and support intercultural exchange. Bakare recounts a fascinating press interview with Agyeman by William Deedes, which, alongside Jazzie B’s use of Thatcher’s Enterprise Allowance Scheme, shows how right-wing people could once engage and enable, if unwittingly in the latter case! Today, Reform fellow travellers openly and regularly demonise Black and Asian people and propound the dismal Great Replacement Conspiracy Theory, imported from rabid US racists. Instead, this book presents us with a plethora of persuasive, varied voices, with Stuart Hall and St. Clair Davis joining Agyeman and Johnson as some of the most crucial.

We Were There is meticulous, responsible and truly enlightening stuff. Bakare uses a mix of careful archival labour and oral history interviews of totally neglected figures whose stories needed capturing, to provide ballast for a sturdy, kaleidoscopic narrative. Bakare sensitively documents how, as in L8 and Tiger Bay, Black people have been here for a long time, while then extolling the vast range of cultural contributions across the whole UK from 1945-1990. This is story as righteous and entertaining corrective to so many of our risible, rickety ways of seeing and thinking today.

Exploring The Wednesday Play’s Legacy At 60 – 02.24: ‘The Seven O’Clock Crunch’ (BBC1, 30 June 1965)

The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.

This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all existing plays up to Cathy, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis.

02.24: The Seven O’Clock Crunch (BBC One, Wednesday 30 June 1965) 9:25 – 10:40pm
Directed by Toby Robertson; Written by David Stone; Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Frederick Knapman; Music by Carl Davis

Martin, married for three years, is beginning to hanker for the bachelor life again. (Daily Mirror, 30 June 1965, p. 12)

The first mention I’ve found of this play was that Ronald Curram would play Ivan Foster in it, and it was to be recorded on 16 June 1965 (Television Today, 27 May 1965, p. 11). Martin (Peter Jeffrey) and Susan (Zena Walker) have been married for three years, and it is now breaking up, becoming ‘one long boring round of rows and bills’ (Coventry Evening Telegraph, 30 June 1965, p. 2). After ‘a boring dinner’ and ‘yet another argument’ (Hartlepool Northern Daily Mail, 30 June 1965, p. 3), Susan opts to walk out and Martin now wants to ‘recapture his gay, careless bachelor life – fast cars, beautiful women and night clubs’ (CET op. cit.). However, his friends have moved or are married, so he haplessly has to return to ‘his lonely flat – at seven o’clock’ (ibid.).

The same article highlights Peter Jeffrey being in an ITV play on Sunday; others returning to the Wednesday Play included Nigel Stock and Manfred Mann who played the ‘title music for this comedy’* (ibid.). The relatively few previews of David Stone’s play show little linguistic variation, a Staffordshire Evening Sentinel piece merely substituting ‘”mod chics”‘ [sic] for ‘beautiful women’, and includes a picture of Jan Waters, chauvinistically captioned: ‘an attractive reason for watching the B.B.C. Wednesday Play’ (30 June 1965, p. 8). There was a total lack of material concerning who the writer David Stone was, and the like.

(*This is presumably just meaning Mike Vickers’s overall musical ident for The Wednesday Play rather than a title song for The Seven O’Clock Crunch, but I’m happy to be corrected if anyone knows better…!)

Stone – who apparently suffered a premature death – wrote the screenplay for the Cold War drama Hide and Seek (1964), 7 episodes of Danger Man (1964-65) and, intriguingly made some contribution to Roman Polanski’s feature Repulsion (which debuted in London sixteen days earlier on 10 June 1965). I’ve watched this eerie film, recently: a nightmarish tale of urban loneliness and mental illness which has superb editing, sound design and a gallery of diffident, blase and nasty London characters. Repulsion, which cost as little as £95,000 to make, was presumably influenced by co-write Gerard Brach’s experiences with schizophrenia, and features dank, bleak interiors fashioned in Twickenham Studios.

Director Toby Robertson (1928-2012), here working on his second Wednesday Play, led the Prospect Theatre Company from 1964-78, nurturing the acting careers of Ian McKellen and Derek Jacobi among others.

Audience size: 5.94 million

Share of overall TV viewing audience: 48%

The opposition: BBC2 (The Likely Lads / Match of the Day / Festivals of Europe – Beethoven: Eugene Ormandy conducts Vienna Philharmonic Orch.), ITV (Des O’Connor Show / The Eartha Kitt Show / Redcap or Professional Wrestling)

Audience Reaction Index: 45%

Reviewed in London press publications consulted: c.35.7%

Reception: I’d say critics and viewers were similarly mixed, with a few strong advocates and somewhat more detractors, with some nuanced responses that liked elements of it but had reservations. There was something of a correlation with age: younger viewers and critics being somewhat likelier to enjoy it than older.

Lyn Lockwood noted that Martin was 34 years old and saw him as a hapless dreamer who should have been wanting to accomplish things, and saw this comedy as lacking in ‘wit’, finding Stone’s ‘television technique […] as jerky as the visual prologue to the Wednesday night plays, of which this was the last until the autumn’ (Daily Telegraph, 1 July 1965, p. 19).

Derek Malcolm, later the Guardian‘s very long-standing film critic, recalled Martin ‘wandering the big city eyeing the girls and puzzling as to why he can’t even talk to them any more after three years of marriage’ (Guardian, 1 July 1965, p. 9). An old friend Dennis offers Martin a woman in exchange for ‘what is left of his soul’, which Malcolm sees as Mephistophelean; even this Martin can’t manage and his ‘equally desperate wife returns to provide a solution to the episode’ (ibid.). Malcolm saw ‘Mrs Stone”s ‘perceptive’ writing and Toby Robertson’s ‘imaginative’ direction as creating ‘an ironic and unusually adult little comedy of despair’, with Jeffrey ‘excellent as the forlorn Martin who is brought to realise in the nick of time that two are generally better than one in an unfriendly world’ (ibid.). Apparently, Nigel Stock and Zena Walker ‘aided satisfactorily’ (ibid.).

Zena Walker, who would appear in the Plays for Today Baby Blues (1973) and C2H5OH (1980)

A critic, probably Kenneth Eastaugh, was bored, however, by a ‘sickly-smart play’, ‘non-sexy, non-everything, to mollify recent angry viewers’, finding the ‘jaded old marriage’ ‘routine’, well, routine (Daily Mirror, 2 July 1965, p. 14). Yet, Patrick Skene Catling initially enjoyed ‘a crisp, bright comedy about the temporary breakdown of a sad little would-be smartish London marriage’ (Punch, 7 July 1965, p. 28). Catling claimed Stone had written ‘some very readable novels’ and liked how this avoided emotion ‘by means of stylish, witty jeering’, giving further details that Martin is an office executive of some sort, ‘itchily envious of a goatish bachelor colleague’ (ibid.). He perceived Martin’s hapless, Billy Liar-like ‘reveries about sexual adventures that go wrong’, how he hopelessly seeks ‘solace in psychiatry’, is confronted by a television clergyman ‘and the bored ministration of a prostitute’ (ibid.). This culminates in loneliness, whisky and a reunion with his wife, which ‘achieves all the romantic exultation of a cigarette commercial’, leaving Catling feeling that ‘Mr. Stone had something more painfully intimate to say and that he should have said it’ (ibid.).

Frederick Laws felt it was a ‘mostly likeable variation on that ancient topic of the envy between married men and bachelors, with Susan’s photographer employer, an overworked doctor and ‘the reported ‘healthiness’ of unattached Australian girls’ all being funny (The Listener, 8 July 1965, p. 67). However, Laws felt the play especially guilty of a current TV drama tendency for characters’ thoughts to be shown in cutaways from dialogue: such ‘insets and inserts were far too many and held up proceedings’:

When a floozy in a nightie (was she real or not? I forget) said to our hero ‘I think you think a lot’, one could not but agree (ibid.).

Laws was one of several reviewers who much preferred Giles Cooper’s play, Unman, Wittering and Zigo (BBC Two, 27 June 1965), originally made for the radio, which he saw as sometimes unclear, but ‘great fun’ with John Sharp ‘magnificent’ as the ‘hopelessly unsuccessful schoolmaster’ (ibid.). David Hemmings was to play this role in Simon Raven and John Mackenzie’s 1971 feature-film adaptation, which I recall being rather good.

T.E. regarded this concluding play of the series as ‘a painfully slow business’, just going ‘on and on in a clever-clever way’, indulging a cameraman with ‘trick shots galore and so many rapid changes of scene that I wouldn’t have been surprised to come across the Keystone Cops caught in a serious mood’ (Belfast Telegraph, 1 July 1965, p. 9). T.E. scoffed at this ‘daring’ piece, putting that word in scare-quotes, while finding consolation in a very 1965 way: ‘The only commendable thing about it was the succession of pretty girls who flickered across the scene like competitors in a beauty queen contest’ (ibid.).

An anonymous Derby Evening Telegraph reviewer saw this as about a separation born of frustration at ‘the routine of their lives’, feeling annoyed at the insets and inserts and flashy camera flourishes, wanting something more ‘straight-forward that can be followed easily’ (1 July 1965, p. 5).

An interesting piece by Donald Zec located Stone’s play within a wider Hollywood and British cinema trend whereby sexual content was ramped up in 1965, mentioning a varied range of films – What’s New Pussycat?, Loving Couples, Darling, How to Murder Your Wife, Moll Flanders,  and the forthcoming Alfie – and contradicting the Mirror‘s reviewer by reflecting in a tone indicating cor: ‘And did you hear the bits of dialogue between Nigel Stock playing an amorous bachelor and Jan Waters a Mayfair model?’ (Glasgow Daily Record, 12 July 1965, p. 10).

The public reaction was mixed, if more positive than for And Did Those Feet?, say. A 45 RI saw 27% giving it the highest scores and 40% the lowest (BBC WAC, VR/65/349). This, from a Retired Insurance Officer, is held up as a characteristic response for the more negative group:

The play went from one boring scene to another. I could find no interest in any of the characters, and the whole thing seemed meaningless. (ibid.)

Viewers in this group saw its stale marriage theme as ‘lacking in novelty’, with muddled plot and ‘nit-wit’ characters; tellingly, a Retired Bank Manager criticised it as unreal in self-aware terms: ‘perhaps we are not “with-it”‘ (ibid.). This extended to a critique of it being ‘far too outspoken and sexy’, which indicates that Stone may have been aiming for another zeitgeist-infused play which ruffled feathers – even if it was seen as tame by others! (ibid.)

Many moderately enjoyed it, with a ‘minor group’ being ‘much attracted’ by a play which was ‘out of the rut,  change from the humdrum’, and well-written and true-to-life (ibid.). Furthermore, it offered a rare tidy, and happy, ending (ibid.). Performances were admired. For one viewer, Peter Jeffrey ‘made me feel as miserable and uncertain as he was himself’ and several praised Nigel Stock: ‘seems right in every character he portrays’, though others questioned his casting as ‘a bachelor gay’ (ibid.).

Nigel Stock (L) as the ‘bachelor gay’! Peter Jeffrey (R)

Inevitably, ‘jerky’ or ‘gimmick-y’ camerawork elicited some rebukes, with a usefully very specific visual critique of ‘the constant view of characters through bottles and decanters’ being ‘a bit boring’ (ibid.). However, others liked ‘clever’ camerawork, alongside excellent settings and ‘eye-catching’ dresses (ibid.).

A Mrs R. Feremore of Highbury Road, Kings Heath, Birmingham called it ‘a delicious piece of nonsense […] at long last a first-rate modern comedy’, with Walker, Jeffrey and Stock ‘really excellent’, and desiring: ‘More of this escapism, please.’ (Sunday Mirror, 4 July 1965, p. 20)

My gut instinct on this one is that it wouldn’t be great or especially to my taste. However, as always it would be fascinating to see from a historical perspective and in many ways Stone seems to have come up with a composite typical Wednesday Play of the more domestic, less public, kind. Derek Malcolm’s enjoyment of it and the elusive David Stone’s presence as writer makes me think there’s a chance this might be similar to A Little Temptation, mixed with semi-Walter Mitty/Billy Liar pieces, but perhaps with some necessary 1965 edge: the counterculture infusing the mainstream.

In July, L. Marsland Gander recounted 1965 as a year where single plays had fought back and that BBC audience research pointed to ‘growing public interest’ in The Wednesday Play, which had gained an average audience of 7.5 million from January to June, below Z Cars and Gander’s favourite, Dr Finlay’s Casebook but very impressive for varied anthology work – indeed, James O’Connor’s two ‘crime play’ had matched DFC’s audiences (Daily Telegraph, 26 July 1965, p. 15). Gander noted how even a play with ‘extreme’ content, like Horror of Darkness had reached 8 million people and while baffled, many had stayed with The Interior Decorator (ibid.).

Interestingly, Gander claimed that ‘Few first-magnitude acting stars have been featured in these plays. The evidence is that the theme rather than the cast is the major influence on the size of audience’, while observing that the BBC already had 13 Wednesday Plays in preparation, by authors including Adrian Mitchell, Julia Jones and Dennis Potter (ibid.). He felt that the ITV strand Love Story was evidence the commercial competitor thought ‘theme and cast are equally important’, with 20 such plays lined up, including 15 British and ‘five foreign’ plays (ibid.).

Anyway, this is it for The Wednesday Play’s first lengthy series! I am frankly too bored by the prospect of covering the six Wednesday Thrillers in that summer 1965 strand to give that a go, having seen all three existing ones… This tallies with my desire for a break; but rest assured, I will back at least for the first few key Wednesday Plays of the autumn 1965 run.

If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂

If you have enjoyed reading these posts or have any thoughts or feelings at all about them, please let me know.

— Many thanks to John Williams for providing the press cuttings for this whole blog series so far.

Exploring The Wednesday Play’s Legacy At 60 – 02.23: ‘The Pistol’ (BBC1, 16 June 1965)

The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.

This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all existing plays up to Cathy, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis.

02.23: The Pistol (BBC One, Wednesday 16 June 1965) 9:50 – 11:05pm
Directed by James Ferman; Written by Troy Kennedy Martin and Roger Smith; James Jones (novella – 1959); Produced by James MacTaggart; Story Editor: Roger Smith; Designed by Richard Henry

17 years before the first Film on Four, and 7 before the first filmed Play for Today from Pebble Mill, came a key instance of the TV single play’s cinematic aspiration.

L. Marsland Gander trailed ‘a drama scoop’ wherein for the first time, a James Jones bestseller had been adapted as a play, by Troy Kennedy Martin and Roger Smith, with an ‘all-American cast’ (Daily Telegraph, 24 May 1965, p. 19). Among ‘ambitious location shooting’ – presumably filmed – Fairlight Glen near Hastings was being turned into Makapuu Point, Pearl Harbour, with studio recording finishing the previous week (ibid.). James Jones (1921-1978) had served in the Second World War as a Corporal in the US Army, and this play was based on his 1959 novella, also entitled The Pistol.

The narrative is set in Hawaii just before the Japanese Attack in December 1941. Standing guard ‘and feeling very important’ is 19 year-old Private First-Class Mast (Clive Endersby), then the bombing starts and panic sets in; Mast offers to hand back his pistol to the arms sergeant who tells him to keep it (Glasgow Daily Record, 16 June 1965, p. 14). Mast’s company is sent to ‘a bleak part of the island and all the soldiers try to get the pistol by fair and foul means’ (ibid.). Word has spread that the pistol ‘has special qualities’ and Mast ‘becomes determined to keep it’ (Hartlepool Northern Daily Mail, 16 June 1965, p. 3). The same article stresses Jones’s credentials, authoring films like From Here to Eternity (1953) and Some Came Running (1958). The Coventry Evening Telegraph highlighted actor Lionel Stander having being seen recently on The Eamonn Andrews Show (ABC for ITV, 1964-69) (16 June 1965, p.2).

Roger Smith in the Radio Times indicates that TKM and himself first met James Jones in London in spring 1964, noting their nerves given his fame – also for The Thin Red Line (1962 novel; two film versions, 1964 and 1999) – and finding him ‘a stocky man with a rugged jaw and immense strength and dignity’ (10 June 1965, p. 39). After two days of talks, they were ready to go ahead, producing eventually this ‘tough story’, centring on Mast feeling ‘a real soldier, and something of a cowboy, too’ (ibid.). Smith notes the turn from total lack of interest in the pistol to everyone wanting it once they are waiting for the Japanese to invade, and the play’s ‘tough sardonic humour of G.I.s in a jam’ (ibid.). Smith admits the hard ask to create Hawaii near Hastings, but claims ‘The barbed wire, the sandbags, the fights, the guns, they’re all real’ and also how in the studio they built ‘a huge hill and dugouts’, promising a ‘good production’ and ‘an exciting experience’ (ibid.).

James Green noted a ‘£10,000 production’, with American James Ferman, ‘once a U.S. First Lieutenant and director of 14 editions of The Plane-Makers (ATV for ITV, 1963-65), who ‘has tried to make this drama look more of a film production than a TV play’s with two days’ location work at an Army camp and four days at Fairlight Glen (London Evening News and Star, 16 June 1965, p. 3). Green also claims that new characters were invented for a ‘play about a platoon’, which removed many four-letter words from the book, but which Ferman still feels is ‘tough and realistic’ and hopes achieves ‘a documentary feeling’ (ibid.).

After broadcast, the Harrow Observer highlighted a local resident Clive Endersby of 7 Elms-lane, Sudbury, as appearing in the play: at 20, remarkably having taken part in more than 200 English and Canadian TV productions already, this being his first lead, after starting acting at age 9 in a Canadian drama festival (17 June 1965, p. 2). This also emphasised his being from an acting family, naming his father Paul and four brothers Ralph, Philip, Eric and Stanley, some of whom were acting in England, the USA and Canada (ibid.). Jack Bell noted perhaps more accurately than the Telegraph that the cast of thirty included ‘many’ Canadians and Americans; Bell gave a minor eyewitness account of being on set during the production:

Holidaymakers at a spot called Fairlight Glen watched in astonishment as a platoon of grimy American GIs moved into position as a “suicide squad.” […]

Camouflaged US Army three-tonners lumbered down the cliff road beneath Lovers Seat, when I watched the filming, passing six potted palms which had been replanted to give a bit of hula-hula atmosphere (Daily Mirror, 16 June 1965, p. 16).

Actor Leo Kharibian who had spent 16 months in Hawaii as a real-life GI assured Bell it was ‘surprisingly close to the real thing’ (ibid.). Again, there are rather detailed accounts of the length of the filming shoot, how the actors ‘slogged more than a mile up and down the rugged cliff road each day’ and queued in a ‘chow line’ for food which they ate on bare trestle tables in the open air – apparently better quality food than army food, Kharibian confirmed (ibid.).

This one apparently does exist, but I’ve not been able to source it. If I manage to, I’ll update this post with an account of my own feelings and thoughts.

Audience size: 6.93 million

Share of overall TV viewing audience: 58.3%

The opposition: BBC2 (The Likely Lads – ‘Baby It’s Cold Outside’ / Jazz 625 – from Kansas City / Newsroom and Weather), ITV (Deckie Learner – A 15 year-old lad from Grimsby starts life as a trawler fisherman / Redcap – ‘It’s What Comes After’)

Audience Reaction Index: 56%

Reviewed in London press publications consulted: c. 21.4%

Reception: Interestingly, this was both universally favoured by those critics who bothered to write about and ignored by the vast bulk of critics. There wasn’t really appreciably much difference between London and outside here. Viewers were much more mixed, perhaps because we get a properly representative sample from this play’s rather large audience.

Clive Barnes emphasised the pistol’s ‘illegal’ status and how Mast comes to perceive it as a ‘lifebelt’, not just protection against Japanese samurai swords, but ‘a talisman’ (Daily Express, 17 June 1965, p. 4). Barnes sees Jones’s message as using the pistol as ‘a symbol both of human acquisitiveness and the will for survival’, and deeply admired a rare ‘convincing slice of America created in Britain’, with Smith and Martin’s ‘neat, crisp dialogue’ and good acting (ibid.). Relaxed, ‘authentic’ playing included Clive Endersby capturing ‘the right mixture of fright and determination’ (ibid.).

Lyn Lockwood was similarly beguiled, taking up James Ferman’s filmic discourse, when seeing it as ‘an excellent attempt to rival the big screen’ (Daily Telegraph, 17 June 1965, p. 19). In high praise, she felt the opening Pearl Harbour attack sequence was ‘almost as effective’ as a similar passage in the film version of From Here to Eternity (ibid.). ‘It was a highly effective mixture of pessimism, panic and humour – with humour uppermost – convincingly filmed’, giving ‘a fillip to the current state of the single play’ (ibid.).

Maurice Richardson acclaimed ‘an ambitiously cinematic production’, with ‘realistically rugged’ acting from the North American cast (Observer, 20 June 1965, p. 25). He felt the ‘symbolic significance’ of the pistol ‘a bit over-plugged’, but ultimately praised a play whose ‘technical level was most impressive, well above B picture standard’ (ibid.). These responses clearly indicate more ballast for Allen Wright’s argument a previous week that television was now regularly producing better films than those which got cinema runs.

Outside London, N.G.B. felt the milieu of American soldiers was over-familiar; however, the use of the pistol as ‘a symbol arousing envy, and the desire for security, brought a new slang to familiar wartime scenes’ (Liverpool Daily Post, 17 June 1965, p. 3). Also in Scouseland, W.D.A. found its ‘taking us out of studio propland into open country’ and lack of familiar faces in the cast refreshing (Liverpool Echo, 17 June 1965, p. 2). Tellingly, they also felt that ‘Hollywood never made anything quite like “The Pistol” which explores far too dry a line in irony to be good box office’ (ibid.).

B.L. admired ‘a compelling drama of terrified, bewildered men in whom ear brings out the worst’ (Belfast Telegraph, 17 June 1965, p. 11). They discern the theme of ‘envy’ and how ‘There is not the faintest hunt that patriotism, heroism, gallantry or comradeship exist […] Fear of the enemy […] Makes cowards of them all. All except the boy’ (ibid.). This had a rare ‘realism’ for TV, and such an account strengthens my impression that this play well reflects The Wednesday Play’s simultaneous balanced offering of the tough and the anti-heroic (ibid.).

Among viewers it was well received, if not massively enthusiastically, with a score of 56: just two above the overall Wednesday Play mean average of 1965 so far (BBC WAC, VR/65/325). Many viewers felt the central situation overly ‘incredible’, though somewhat more found it ‘compelling’, gripping or a ‘study of human frailty’ with ‘satisfying irony’ at the end (ibid.). While there was a core of satisfied viewers among the panel, many refused to accept soldiers ‘so gormless, spineless and self-centred’, and too schoolboy-like, and found the play slow, thin and unconvincing, per se, though there was sufficient ‘tension, truth and irony’ to interest many (ibid.). However, the vast majority admired its realism and seamless blending of studio and location work: seen as ‘lavish and enterprising’, while acting was mostly admired as having ‘pace and vitality’ even if a few found it ‘noisy and overdone’ (ibid.).

Viewers’ letters published in the press erred on the negative side. An S. Gordon of 25 Birkwood St., Glasgow, proclaimed ‘I doubt if anyone found Pearl Harbour as I found this play’ (Glasgow Sunday Post, 20 June 1965, p. 12). E.C. Powell, of Church-lane, Barton Mills, Suffolk felt it was ‘a flop’ and ‘all such a waste of time’, decrying ‘the phoney acting of the Americans all trying to be a John Wayne or an Errol Flynn’, and disliking how they’d been informed ‘the Pacific beachhead was part of our own coastline’ beforehand (Sunday Mirror, 20 June 1965, p. 20). However, a G. Farquhar, c/o Victory Club, 63-79 Seymour Street, London, W2, found it ‘Outstanding […] a masterpiece of tension and tragedy’ (Sunday Mail, 27 June 1965, p. 16).

This ‘war play’ was soon repeated on BBC Two on 10 September 1965 in the Encore slot of 8:20 – 9:45pm (Daily Mail, 10 September 1965, p. 16).

While I cannot really say I’d be especially excited to watch this, it was clearly a solidly successful attempt to keep The Wednesday Play embedded in mainstream cultural modes – the war film, popular prose fiction – while being one of many non-UK-set excursions we’ve encountered in our thirty-plus plays covered thus far. The viewers’ differing response indicates perhaps a certain fatigue with such screen material, and critical avoidance may reflect similar feelings or even high or middlebrow anti-Americanism. However, those most favourable among the viewers and critics found much to appreciate in its tough, vigorous non-heroism – a key strain running throughout 1964-65 Wednesday Plays and which clearly relates more to Sixties Britain’s iconoclastic mood – and British war films – than to Hollywood.

Notably, the Toronto-born Clive Endersby would appear as a trooper in Tony Richardson and Charles Wood’s The Charge of the Light Brigade (1968), emphasising a transnational anti-war zeitgeist, while James Ferman would, in 1975, become a significant cultural gatekeeper for films in Britain for nearly a quarter of a century.

If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂

Exploring The Wednesday Play’s Legacy At 60 – 02.22: ‘The Man Without Papers’ (BBC1, 9 June 1965)

The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.

This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all existing plays up to Cathy, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis.

02.22: The Man Without Papers (BBC One, Wednesday 9 June 1965) 9:25 – 10:40pm

Directed by Peter Duguid; Written by Troy Kennedy Martin; ??; Produced by James MacTaggart; Story Editor: Roger Smith; Designed by William McCrow; Music by The Seeds; special lyrics by Bob Dylan

Who is Roscoe, what is he ?

(Daily Mail, 9 June 1965, p. 14)

This play is another of the brazenly contemporary, mainstream occupying Wednesday Plays, deliberately escaping middle-class dinner parties or upper-class drawing rooms. It ‘investigates the complicated personality of a tough, brash, modern hero-villain’ (Liverpool Daily Post, 5 June 1965, p. 14), or was ‘all about a stateless man’s desperate attempt to establish an identity for himself’ (Liverpool Echo and Evening Express, 5 June 1965, p. 2). The Glasgow Sunday Mail noted that ‘Hit-parading folk singer Bob Dylan wrote the songs Ben Carruthers will sing’ (6 June 1965, p. 17).

The play taps into a universal and rather temporally expansive theme of documentation and papers personally representing identity. Not just their importance to Davies in Pinter’s The Caretaker, but the Cold War per se, and Stephen S. Thompson’s excoriating drama based on real events, Sitting in Limbo (BBC One, 2020), which documented Theresa May’s Home Office’s racist ‘hostile environment’ policy towards Windrush migrants like Anthony Bryan, whose inhuman, Kafkaesque nightmare experiences were set in motion by Cameron’s government.

It was noted as Troy Kennedy Martin’s first TV play since 1961, creating another ‘contemporary hero, Roscoe, a fast-talking idealist on the run’, while noting TKM’s credentials, based on Z Cars, Diary of a Young Man and the ‘prize-winning’ Interrogator (Hartlepool Northern Daily Mail, 9 June 1965, p. 3). Scottish paper the Sunday Post rated it ****, same as Z Cars, noting the stateless man is ‘hunted by gangsters and police alike’ (6 June 1965, p. 12).

Lead American actor Benito Carruthers and singer Bob Dylan are termed ‘products of the so-called “beat generation”, a highly idealistic group who are deeply committed to propagating their beliefs through their art’: all key background to a ‘thriller’ (Coventry Evening Telegraph, 9 June 1965, p. 2). The same article notes how Roscoe (Carruthers) was seven years ago in a North Korean PoW camp, who preserved the morale of his comrade David Castle (James Maxwell), who is now an important Home Office official (ibid.). Roscoe is now stateless and in trouble with the authorities and poses a danger to Castle’s own career (ibid.). Castle’s wife Marcella is played by Geraldine McEwan.

Geraldine McEwan

There is further information:

Bob Dylan, who is just finishing a successful tour in this country, has specially written the lyrics for songs that Carruthers sings in the play. The music was written and is played by the Seeds. (ibid.)

Geoffrey Lane reflects how Roscoe is also wanting to establish his ‘political rights’ alongside his identity, and how TKM’s dramas ‘have always gone beyond convention in force of their comment on modern life’ (Wolverhampton Express and Star, 9 June 1965, p. 11). Lane reflects somewhat ambivalently on Roscoe:

the modern equivalent of a romantic hero, a beatnik, a fast-talking and highly questionable idealist, combining the irreconcilable elements of saint and parasite. He is played by an actor born into the beat world. (ibid.)

Lane questions whether Roscoe is overly relying on his noble past deeds to now ‘demands such sacrifices as he does’ from Castle and Marcella, while also saying a shame that it clashes with the NET and Michael Sklar’s documentary about immigration, which included London and Bradford filming (ibid.).

Clifford Davis centred on Carruthers, ‘the 25-year-old Chicago actor’, making a British TV debut, in a play by a ‘no-punches-pulled’ writer TKM who ‘invariably’ produces ‘unusual situations and off-beat dialogue’ (Daily Mirror, 9 June 1965, p. 14). Davis finds Carruthers embarked on a similar mission to Roscoe in his own life: wanting to settle here and ‘become English’, while hearing of his work in various labouring and dish washing jobs in New York and starring in John Cassavetes’ improvised film Shadows (1959) (ibid.). He also claims that Carruthers provided the melodies to Dylan’s words for the play’s songs (ibid.).

The Radio Times had noted how TKM has the ‘uncanny knack of coming up with the right stories and characters at the right time’ (3 June 1965, p. 35). This reminds me, of course, of Edge of Darkness (BBC Two, then BBC One, 1985), which I saw in the late Nineties and is a complex political thriller which emotively features environmentalism and contains a vivid gallery of characters. This preview indicates Roscoe’s politics in having ‘burnt his passport during the days of McCarthy’, and being on the run ever since: a character either loved or hated by the men and women who encounter him (ibid.). Carruthers’s proximity to Roscoe is again emphasised, and involvement in ‘a hip scene which stretches from San Francisco to Paris’, epitomising ‘the best in the young footloose 1960s artists who care more for life than for money’, with Carruthers being Dylan’s ‘old friend’ (ibid.).

No rating: while it does not exist in full in the archives, the first two-thirds does, which I have watched, though it is unfair to make any overall assessment of the play based on such an incomplete source.

From what I’ve seen, I’d broadly say the critical comments noted below are fair, in the positives and negatives discerned. It’s definitely a lively performance from Carruthers which must have felt like a charged injection of new life at the time. He certainly had something of the kinetic energy and oddball charisma of 1970s Tim Curry about him. David Dixon plays the ultimate twisted version of this archetype in the Play for Today Jumping Bean Bag (1976), who’s nastier and public-schooled, whereas Roscoe is indulgently amoral.

Unlike And Did Those Feet? with its pair’s innocent freedoms, this felt rather more depicting the familiar Dionysian freedom of 1960s myths. There’s the wearying familiarity of sexual freedoms being entirely on men’s terms. Roscoe tells Anne, David’s secretary, about the attempted brainwashing by a ‘slit-eyed Commie from Peking’ when in a Korea PoW camp, before discussing how McCarthyism destroyed freedom in the US. There’s a sense of escaping competing Communist and Capitalist tyrannies into hedonistic freedom which means jumping on various buses without paying a fare, or a milk float and stealing a bottle of milk. And just womanising all the time.

For me, the opening with Roscoe calling David from Glasgow is pacey, hooks you in and is intriguing, but it gets less interesting as it goes on, with, seemingly, Martin’s point being the attractiveness of this Bohemian freedom, viewed entirely from masculine perspective. The underworld elements seem grafted on and barely figure, just being a backdrop. It felt a very deictic play: telling of its context, and also in how enjoying it is hard to fully fathom given how far away we are from that context.

Audience size: 8.42 million

Interestingly, in TAM ratings, it was the top BBC One programme of the week for the large Wales and the West region, with a Tamrating of 35% – i.e. the percentage of sets capable of receiving both BBC and ITV transmissions actually tuned in a point in time to any particular programme’ (Television Today, 24 June 1965, p. 14).

Share of overall TV viewing audience: 60.7%

The opposition: BBC2 (The Scarlet and the Black – Part 5 / Horizon, including Men and Sharks / Jazz 625: The Zodiac Variations by Johnny Dankworth), ITV (Carroll Calling / This Question of Colour: An American television team takes a hard look at the British and immigration)

Audience Reaction Index: 54%

Reviewed in London press publications consulted: c.35.7%

Reception: The London critics were mixed, with quite a varied spread of views. I’d say the regional press were slightly more favourable, though again there was a range of opinion. The audience response was fairly mixed, with many both for and against.

The anonymous reviewer found it a very exciting play, concerning Roscoe having lived in Britain without papers ‘and therefore as an outlaw for seven years’, and then abusing his connections with Castle to gain his papers when threatened by the criminal underworld (Times, 10 June 1965, p. 7). However, they felt Martin depicted Roscoe vaguely, not really exploring the question of his ‘sanctity or corruption’ in sufficient depth, though Carruthers ‘found a great deal that was sinisterly attractive in Roscoe’ and James Maxwell was ‘firm and effective’ as his bullied friend (ibid.).

Lyn Lockwood mused on the familiar ‘fugitive on the run’ narrative, but with Roscoe ‘a decidedly off-beat hero’: one she found profoundly ‘alienating’ in being ‘Anarchic, loose-mouthed, beatnik-haired, owning the manners of an ape’ (Daily Telegraph, 10 June 1965, p. 21). Thus, she totally lacked sympathy with his plight, though admitted Carruthers played Roscoe ‘devastatingly well’ in the Method style, and the script had ‘all the pace and the punch that one has come to expect from its writer’ (ibid.). Lockwood’s review also indicates that Anne (Ingrid Hafner) is very attracted to Roscoe, giving him ‘much more than tea and sympathy’ (ibid.). Interestingly, the same page has a photo of Alexander Trocchi and Allen Ginsberg pronouncing a ‘PLANET-CHANT CARNIVAL’ in London, the day before their beat poetry performance at the Royal Albert Hall, with Bruce Lacey and Alan Sillitoe to appear too (ibid.).

Peter Black immediately noted The Wednesday Play’s title sequence as the ‘best’ of any present drama series’, with its jolting, contemporary vigour and unpredictability: ‘After this, you know you are not likely to get a play which will begin with a butler answering the telephone’ (Daily Mail, 10 June 1965, p. 3). Yet, he criticised producer James MacTaggart’s lack of sure planning of a direction, claiming its most ‘consistent’ feature is its ‘fatuous indulgence of authors and directors, born of a desperate need to believe that the current crop is better than it seems’ (ibid.). To cap off this rare overall assault on the strand, Black targeted TKM’s play as ‘another confusing and pretentious bore’, centring on a ‘kind of anarchist-Saint’, Roscoe, who he didn’t find interesting, and, in an oppositional reading, did not feel like siding with (ibid.). Black even feels this sort of hero – with ‘mesmeric power over every woman in sight’ – is ‘becoming as lifeless as the drawing-room heroes they displaced’, decrying Martin’s failure to interest him in this character: admitting he may be carving out a place for himself as a Clement Scott-like ‘fuddy-duddy’ (ibid.). Theatre critic Scott had opposed Ibsen and Shaw back in the 1880s-90s (ibid.).

Patrick Skene Catling saw Z Cars creator Martin as using ‘maudlin self-pity of a rather old-fashioned hipster on the run’ to take revenge on the police’, with Home Office and Scotland Yard ‘worse than square’ (Punch, 16 June 1965, p. 899). Catling admitted liking the opening in a Glasgow telephone booth, but felt that, despite some ‘strong lines, passionately uttered’, it was a ‘muddled’ play which asked, but didn’t answer, questions, being characteristically 1965 in hoping ‘that obscurity might be mistaken for deep significance’ (ibid.).

Kari Anderson found it an entertaining, compelling mix of the social protest play and thriller: a ‘lively sprawl’ which put you off caring about certain inconsistencies, while watching at least (Television Today, 17 June 1965, p. 12). Anderson noted that for true beats, Roscoe would be ‘too involved, too voluble’, insufficiently gentle and withdrawing, claiming he was actually more of an ‘anarchist, 1960 style’ (ibid.). Anderson loved the thriller framework, yet felt actions and motives here weren’t clear, especially as regards the underworld element, while accepting unlike Black and Lockwood why Roscoe would appeal, due to his irresistible ‘inner conviction and vitality’ (ibid.). Capping off the most positive London press review, Anderson liked its plentiful comments on ‘the social scene’, which had wit and gaiety and weren’t ‘heavy and deliberate’ –  suggesting crucial skills TKM possessed – and acclaimed Carruthers for transcending early mugging, becoming ‘completely charged with the daemon of vitality’ (ibid.). While he felt an overly cat-like Geraldine McEwan was ‘too mannered’, James Maxwell ‘is in the front rank’ of actors, Ingrid Hafner conveyed Anne’s compassion, and Charles Victor, John Woodnutt and Anne Manahan also registered strongly (ibid.).

Outside London, M.G. felt The Wednesday Play series ‘suddenly sparked into life’ with a ‘first-rate thriller in a carefully observed contemporary setting’ (Liverpool Daily Post, 10 June 1965, p. 5). They loved the visuals, a claiming Eddie Best’s ‘superb camera work’ and Carruthers’s ‘gem’ of a performance of a ‘Bohemian’, ‘a true character of the sixties, one of those off-beat, easy-going, somewhat slovenly persons’ (ibid.). Furthermore, contradicting certain London reviews, they thought all narratives threads were skillfully handled, and liked how Roscoe’s ‘duality of bitterness and tenderness’, and its effects on others, was portrayed (ibid.). Michael Beale, contrarily, was put off by how it was ‘inclined to shoot off at all sorts of angles, which seemed to have little bearing’ on Roscoe Mortimer’s plight, switching over to ITV’s documentary and feeling he had learned that West Indians assimilated better into British life than Asians (Newcastle Evening Chronicle, 10 June 1965, p. 2).

Also from Tyneside, Eric Forster noted the sensational elements meant it would have to be ‘exceptionally good not to be an unexceptional tarradiddle’ (Newcastle Journal, 10 June 1965, p. 5). Forster agreed more with some London reviewers that the gangland plot added little, and found the inspector a ‘dreary’ stereotype, ‘who uttered endless police-style cliches’ (ibid.). He felt Roscoe was a good, complex character but perhaps fitted ‘for a different type of television exercise’ (ibid.). However, Geoffrey Lane felt it was ‘not to be turned off’, being a ‘thoughtful’ take on the thriller genre, with Roscoe a ‘Byronic hero’, seen in these Romantic terms as waving ‘the banner of freedom’, and ‘as accurate a portrait as I have seen on television of the post-war rebel’ (Wolverhampton Express and Star, 12 June 1965, p. 11). Again, Carruthers’s performance was seen as brilliant, alongside McEwan and Maxwell’s ‘great intensity’, within a ‘strong and original play’, that transcended ‘some rather doubtful, hardboard scenery’ (ibid.).

Unusually, in the Scotsman, it got mentioned not in Peggie Phillips’s Television column, but in Allen Wright’s film one. Phillips, tellingly in view of The Wednesday Play’s undoubtedly androcentric output so far, comments how Channel 10’s Play of the Week, Bridget Boland’s Beautiful for Ever, ‘was one of the few good television plays written by a woman’s, a true-life crime tale which gave Ellen Pollock and Dulcie Gray splendid acting opportunities (14 June 1965, p. 4). Wright noted how cinema was declining, with big spectacular musicals like My Fair Lady and The Sound of Music, Beatles and Bond films and Topkapi being rare outliers, with television now performing the ‘functions of film societies on a huge scale, raising standards of appreciation and creating the climate for experiment’, with some TV plays being ‘virtually films’ themselves (ibid.). Wright claimed The Man Without Papers was like Bond films and A Hard Day’s Night, but ‘in its form and editing, it was far more sophisticated’, and part of how television now ‘offers a wider range of intelligent entertainment than the cinema can now provide’ (ibid.).

Alongside a photo where he resembles Lou Reed somewhat, an interview with Ben Carruthers reveals that he wrote ‘Jack o’ Diamonds’ with Dylan, which appeared in the play, and alongside ‘Right Behind You’, Parlophone had released it as a single (Belfast Telegraph – week-end magazine, 19 June 1965, p. 7). F.B.’s interview notes Carruthers is descended on his mother’s side from Benito Juarez, the first President of Mexico, and has just completed his own film script, Count Downe, a horror story where he was to play the lead: “I will get the film made no matter how long it takes or how much it costs”, and predicts he will make ‘a big impact in British show business’ (ibid.).

Among a very large audience, there was division, but a larger groundswell of enjoyment than for Mercer’s play last week, with 41% giving it A+/A compared with 27% C/C- and 32% in the middle (B), giving it a fairly typical Wednesday Play Reaction Index of 54, which indicating it was agitating and delighting people in the right sort of numbers (BBC WAC, VR/65/312). It did not score as highly as The Interrogator in 1961 (68), though. The reaction here is summed up as ‘baffling and compelling at one and the same time’, though much of the emphasis is on its ‘hotchpotch’ quality and being ‘Sick, sick, sick and obscure’ (ibid.). Others, however, loved a ‘gripping’ tale with a complex protagonist very different from the norm in thrillers, and a student observed

a kind of anarchist-cum-saint, in whose conduct lay the clue that leads to the way our of dark and into the light (ibid.).

Many felt Carruthers was so good as Roscoe that he himself must be a rebel, with Maxwell and Victor also praised, but Geraldine McEwan seen as doing little more than ‘creeping about and looking torrid for reasons which we never understood’ (ibid.). Settings were seen as very authentic and continuity moved at a brisk pace, though occasional criticisms were made of overly ‘abrupt’ switches in scene and ‘too gimmicky photography’ (ibid.).

One viewer letter from a Mrs. M. Boylan of West Horsley, Surrey, slammed ‘SUCH a stupid play’, questioning why two attractive women would fall for ‘the fuzzy-haired, uncouth Roscoe’, and seeing the police inspector as ‘the most unlikely one I’ve yet seen on television’, while having – surprise, surprise (ed.) – no ‘notion what it was all about’ (Sunday Mirror, 13 June 1965, p. 22). Boylan specifically echoed comments in the BBC audience research viewing sample, seeing him as a ‘scruffy […] tramp’ (op. cit.).

It’s an odd one, as we have missed so many plays due to their archival absence, but I really just don’t feel like we have had a gallery of heroes of the kind Peter Black refers to: none of these – Willoughby Goddard, David Markham, Jane Arden, Barry Foster, Glenda Jackson, Alfred Lynch, Nicol Williamson – fit the mould he identified in the slightest. David Hemmings was verging on Bohemian in Auto-Stop, say, but in a very circumscribed way. While we have missed a fair few others, so who knows, I do sense that this kind of overtly countercultural protagonist is very rare in 1965 Wednesday Plays. Of course, Carruthers’s link with John Cassavetes points strongly forward to how in 1973, Tony Garnett enabled Plays for Today devised by Mike Leigh and Les Blair to be broadcast…

Ben Carruthers

Ben Carruthers (1936-1983) never did get to make his screenplay as a film, though did feature in The Dirty Dozen (1967) and Jamaican director Esther Anderson’s intriguing sounding short film Short Ends (1976), alongside varied forces Jim Capaldi, Martine Beswick and Judy Geeson. Both Peter Duguid and TKM were to largely move over to working for ITV after this, with the exception of Martin’s 1980s BBC return. Martin went on to work on some exceedingly macho-signifying films in Hollywood and for BBC Films: Red Heat (1988) and Bravo Two Zero (1999), with a posthumous credit on Michael Mann’s Ferrari as recently as 2023!

Dylanologists will no doubt be able to confirm, but it seems there is considerable doubt that he specially wrote the lyrics for the play, and also that ‘Jack O’ Diamonds’ was a traditional Texan gambling song popularized by Blind Lemon Jefferson many decades earlier.

If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂