Exploring The Wednesday Play’s Legacy At 60 – 03:04: ‘Up the Junction’ (BBC1, 3 November 1965)

The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.

This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all Wednesday Plays up to the end of 1965, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis. A selected number of plays from 1966-1970 will be covered.

03.04: Up the Junction (BBC One, Wednesday 3 November 1965) 9:40 – 10:50pm
Directed by Ken Loach; Written by Nell Dunn & Tony Garnett (uncredited); Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Eileen Diss; Songs sung by Russ Parker, played by Winifred Helliwell and Marie Cleve; ‘Bad Girl’ by Stanley Myers and Nell Dunn

I used to be violently concerned about politics, when we lived in Battersea. There you are so much aware of everything that is going on. The walls of the houses are made of plywood and you hear everything. We had one tap and an outdoor lavatory. I was completely uninterested in comfort. I washed all the clothes in the public washhouse; now I have a washing machine. […] At Battersea all I thought about was Socialism and poverty and those things. I couldn’t have cared less what we ate. (The Scotsman, 3 April 1965, p. 6).

Location footage and hand-held shots and unsteady camera movements, undoubtedly imbued it with an ‘authentic’ aura previously unseen in television drama (Jamie Sexton, ‘Televérité Hits Britain: Documentary, Drama and the Growth of 16mm Filmmaking in British Television, Screen, 2003, p. 442).

Under [Sir Hugh Greene] television drama flowered at the BBC as it has never blossomed anywhere in the world. The Wednesday Play plays like Up the Junction, Kathy [sic] Come Home, Drums Along the Avon, The Lump, In Two Minds – plays that won a unique place in the history of TV drama in that they were discussed the next day by ordinary people as if they were important social happenings – were screened (Stanley Reynolds, Manchester Evening News, 21 October 1972, p. 4).

I first thought and felt deeply about Up the Junction when reading Tony Garnett’s memoir, The Day The Music Died (2016) on summer holiday in 2017. Garnett made a great case for its revolutionary nature in getting out of the studio and onto the streets, and, most significantly, in representing working-class life in an unvarnished way, to a TV audience with an immediacy impossible in cinema and of an infinitely large size compared to theatre. The direction the play took was partly influenced by Garnett’s own familial experience of abortion when growing up and his motivation to challenge societal silence and bigotry toward the subject. During my PhD study, I finally got around to watching the original 1965 Up the Junction, repeating the viewing to shot-log its entirety. Now, I watch it a third time for this sixtieth anniversary blog article, using the essential Ken Loach at the BBC DVD box-set.

Up the Junction was originally created by Nell Dunn, from a wealthy background, being daughter of industrialist Sir Philip Dunn. Nell wrote Up the Junction as a book based on her own observations of life in the Clapham Junction area of South London. Right-wing journalist Christopher Booker, within his tedious wider assault on 1960s culture, The Neophiliacs (1969) snidely emphasised Dunn as part of the ‘Chelsea Set’ and as being ‘a millionaire’s daughter’, a sexist denial of her own agency, and a typical attack on anyone well-to having a social conscience – while also being critical of Up the Junction and Edward Bond’s closely contemporaneous stage play, Saved (pp. 279-80).

Clearly, Up the Junction struck a nerve, annoying the right people. Des Freedman has argued programmes like it and Cathy Come Home ‘demonstrated how television could play an important progressive role in public life’ (2003: 69). Macmurraugh-Kavanagh elaborated, detailing how Up the Junction marked a key moment in The Wednesday Play’s drive to make drama a social intervention within and against the news and to shape public opinion: ‘focusing ‘fact’ through emotional and physical reality (as in the case of Up the Junction and abortion law reform)’ (Screen, 1997, p. 250). Dunn, born in 1936, is still alive, like Ken Loach nearing her tenth decade.

In November 1963, John Gross was highly complimentary about Nell Dunn’s romantic, yet also grounded view of London life, loving its comedy and melancholy, extolling ‘A highly accomplished book, truthful and likeable’ (Observer, 17 November 1963, p. 25). Andrew Leslie felt Dunn was covering ‘an odd social stratum […] They are the working-class who have been left behind, still visibly struggling for survival’ (Guardian, 29 November 1963, p. 17). These reviews mentioned the ‘dance hall’ and the ‘pawn shop’ and proximity to illegality. Leslie saw the characters as ‘like a species of moth, settling quickly on whatever point of life will hold them – and then away again’ (ibid.). The book went onto win the John Llewellyn Rees Prize for being the most memorable book of its year.

An interview by ‘Boswell’ in The Scotsman gave a picture of Nell Dunn’s home life in Putney with husband Jeremy Sandford and two children, enabling Dunn to reflect: ‘The world’s so mad, I can never make judgments. People are absolutely amazing!’ (op. cit.). MacGibbon & Kee are said to have commissioned Up the Junction following a few short pieces Dunn had penned for the New Statesman (ibid.). Dunn is said to be good friends with neighbour Edna O’Brien, who was when the interview was taking place, taking one of Nell and Jeremy’s kids to the cinema with hers (ibid.). Dunn recounts admiring Austen, Dickens, Hardy and Lawrence and was a great fan of Jeremy Sandford’s Third Programme radio plays before she met him (ibid.). As a writer, he is influenced by her environment as a writer, including a spell working in a sweet factory, and like other women writers she knows, Dunn was engaged in politics, helping to elect a Labour MP in Putney in the 1964 general election, while reflecting on living a much more middle-class life than she had in Battersea previously (ibid.).

Up the Junction centres on three young women, Rube (Geraldine Sherman), Sylvie (Carol White) and Eileen (Vickery Turner), who go up to Clapham Junction where the events occur. The Daily Record identified the setting as Battersea, also adding, ‘Despite their poor surroundings these people have an aliveness which isn’t found in more affluent circles’ (3 November 1965, p. 16).

Television Today recorded that Ray Barron had dislocated a shoulder during rehearsals for the swimming scenes, and that the play would be recorded on 23 September (9 September 1965, p. 11). Ken Hankins felt the production, with ‘no plot and no story-line’, ‘deliberately unorthodox, attempting to capture some of the flavour of life in London’, sounded intriguing and noted the BBC was claiming it was a ‘show’, rather than a play, documentary or musical (Peterborough Evening Telegraph, 30 October 1965, page unclear). ‘Monitor’ noted the large cast of 50, how only three characters are recurring, while, as other publications did more briefly, valuing Nell Dunn’s original book as ‘raw and witty’, with ‘remarkable warmth and insight’ in its 100 or so pages (Coventry Evening Telegraph, 3 November 1965, p. 2). Ralph Slater thought that its ‘sheer unpredictability’ made it ‘worth a try’ (Reading Evening Post, 3 November 1965, p. 2).

Rather dramatically, it was announced that senior BBC officials had called for a special screening of Up the Junction on 2 November and they ‘ordered several cuts – but left in a startling sequence about a back-street abortion’ (Daily Express, 3 November 1965, p. 13). Even before broadcast, the BBC was under fire about the play, accused by Mary Whitehouse’s Clean-Up TV Campaign of presenting ‘near pornographic material under the guise of culture and education’ (ibid.). This was, frankly, an absurd claim based on what was in the actual play, which they cannot have known, anyway. The CUTV are said to have gone to Kenneth Robinson, the Minister of Health with their pre-emptive complaint (Daily Record, op. cit.). Michael Bakewell was said to have been present at the BBC pre-broadcast screening, with cuts resulting being ‘minor’ (Lincolnshire Echo, 3 November 1965, p. 7). Picking up on the likely controversy, Clifford Davis claimed it was ‘certain to cause something of a sensation’ (Daily Mirror, 3 November 1965, p. 3).

Story editor Tony Garnett previewed Up the Junction in the Radio Times firstly by quoting several glowing reviews of the book; he followed this literary validation by tellingly rooting the play in Battersea experience, with the excursions to Clapham Junction, while also stating: ‘it could be lots of places’ (28 October 1965, p. 45). Garnett emphasised how it would show a troubling picture:

Go to any big city and the human waste will horrify you, because the people you will see tonight are exploited, given a raw deal, or just conveniently forgotten by the rest of us. You would expect them to be ‘down’ – and they have every right to be. But they are not. All of them – all ages – are irrepressibly alive. And the young people, like Rube, Sylvie, Eileen, and their friends in tonight’s play, have a personal style and sophistication which put to shame the self-promoting ‘in-groups’ with their tender clothes and their colour supplements. (ibid.)

Initiating a new epoch, Garnett writes of how to bring this to screen: The Wednesday Play has to ‘break some rules to tell the truth as we see it’, so ‘we told our director, Kenneth Loach, that none of the sacred cows of television drama need stand in his way. There were many risks involved in this freedom and he has embraced them with relish’ (ibid.). Garnett ended with a sharp focus on its unconventional style and truthfulness and uncannily predicted its lasting qualities:

This is a show which defies the categories. It is not a play, a documentary, or a musical. It is all of these at once. It is something new – but, more important, it is something true. If you watch it we can promise you something that will stay in your mind for a long time. (ibid.)

Significantly, for the long term of single drama, John Mackenzie was employed as Production Manager: Mackenzie became one of many vital talented directors on Play for Today and in British cinema (Unman, Wittering and Zigo, Made, Apaches and The Long Good Friday). Garnett, of course, would soon be elevated to the role of producer…

Linda McCarthy, who worked on the play as a trainee assisting the experienced AFM Jackie Willows, recalls shooting at municipal washrooms and a chocolate factory in Acton (interviewed by the author, 11 May 2021). Linda remembers arranging some of the motorbikes for the accident on Crystal Palace Parade, and also “driving round Clapham in a hearse. I mean, those days it was amazing because people still came out on the streets and if you went by in a hearse the men took their hats off. Incredible.’ (ibid.). She recalls they only probably got around two minutes of the final footage in the can per day (ibid.). McCarthy recalls that, when they did the sequence in the swimming pool, “one of the actors dislocated his arm and his shoulder so I had to take him off to King’s College Hospital to A&E. I think it was a Saturday night too, and you do not want to be in A&E on a Saturday night, certainly not.” (ibid.)

It was one of McCarthy’s first productions; she would have been familiar with South London, having been born there in 1943 and gone to Sydenham High School for Girls. She also recollects herself “and the three girls pushing all the washing across country in a supermarket trolley which we later used for the cameraman, Brian Tufano, [who went] in it for doing a tracking shot” (ibid.). Linda recalls all of the main cast being good fun to be with, many being of a similar age to herself, and how Nell Dunn was on set at least once, as she gave her a copy of the original book, which she still has to this day! (ibid.).

Anyway, Up the Junction is, of course, a play which I can watch, unlike the last two wiped ones. It starts a run until Christmas where I can watch pretty much all plays, barring The Bond, but even that has an extant clip.

Rating **** / ****

Up the Junction is a Pop Art collage, more sociological insight than well-made play, but it does still tell a story amid many fragments. It conveys the sociological imagination – to use C. Wright Mills’s 1959 phrase – through means of an artistic mode which feels immediate and lifelike. Its deeply immersive candid camera approach – Tony Imi (or was it Brian Tufano?) moving in among the people on the streets – gives it a fresh vividness. The vogue term at the time for this technique was televérité, developed from the documentary style of John Boorman and Denis Mitchell, alongside US Direct Cinema influences, as Jamie Sexton (2003) discerned. My PhD – available online – has further material on Up the Junction‘s canonical significance and details its Average Shot Lengths for its film and video sequences.

Loach, Garnett and Dunn’s drama, made by a fine crew and a vast cast similar to that in James O’Connor’s Three Clear Sundays from seven months earlier, puts us right into 1965. The opening with Myers and Dunn’s ‘Bad Girl’ being performed by a band as we then see new high rise blocks accompanied by yearning, creaking organ sounds in the song. We are given a breathless montage of overheard conversations, phrases, songs and images. A Genghis Khan film poster, David McCallum staring down at us from the wall of the room where Rube has the abortion. Discussions of the Hydrogen bomb, the pools, dieting and posters of wrestling bills, gossip about a “dirty old man”. Sex and death are the prime themes. There is a morbid or prurient obsession or a breezy casualness towards them.

This play feels rooted in the London equivalent of The Shangri-Las’ New York, the most brilliant trashy (p)arty pop which revelled in subjective melodramas of being young in the city. This Wednesday Play presents petty theft, violent scuffles, drinking in the boozer and drink driving on motorcycles. I do feel it stays close to the people so that the events do not seem overly glamourised, which is a trap the fascinating but queasily amoral Jeff Nuttall and Rodick Carmichael book (1977) does, fetishising violence. Bad things just happen here, and the key words spoken, late on, are “Poor Rube”. We do feel for her, even if the play deliberately avoids any Dickensian mode of popular sentimentality. While this is clearly Poor Rube’s story, she shakes off any sense of victimhood and remains very much vivacious, pleasure-loving Rube to the end.

The look is of course vital in mid 1960s British culture. I’m pretty sure Vickery Turner’s striking floral mod or pop art top is used or adapted by great London band Saint Etienne for the aesthetics of their debut album, Foxbase Alpha (1991).

In an uninterrupted take, the three girls sing The Beatles’ ‘I Should’ve Known Better’ (1964), from A Hard Day’s Night, a film that Geraldine Sherman appeared in, uncredited. I feel this play is informed by Joan Littlewood and Theatre Workshop’s warm involvement of working-class talent and by the blazing cultural example The Beatles were setting, exploring self, society and advancing Love over War. On the former, Garnett confirmed using many Theatre Workshop actors in Up the Junction, like George Sewell (2016, p. 140).

It contains so much interesting tangential language in the snippets of conversations and observations than you would get in a more obviously honed play. We get traditionalism and modernity constantly vying with each other – references to “trousseau” and “quinine”. This feels like O’Connor’s plays in its earthy proximity to street life, but without quite the same crime and punishment narrative moves. It’s great to just hear “guvnor”, “clobber”, “nicker”, “me nutter”, a “chinning”, “up the spout”, “toerag”, and a man branded “you dirty big slag!” without there being any question of punishment or evasion of the law. In a moment expressing the times, the elderly Mrs Hardy (Rita Webb) chortles wonderfully about there being little chance of her “getting in the family way now”!

Mrs Hardy earlier on

Dunn and Garnett’s vision is also barbed and complex. There is a strong implicit anti-racism at times, but then also a racism which is not narratively challenged – perhaps in a deliberate that’s life-type way. I’d say the extended sequence with Barny the Tallyman is as clear and enraging depiction of the evils of unfettered capitalism as you’ll ever see in a film or TV drama. George Sewell brilliantly puts flesh on an utterly grasping predator.

Barny’s racism is clearly part of his pernicious worldview, and there is no chance of people getting the wrong idea – as happened with Alf Garnett – and nor is he made endearing or excessively central: he is there for five minutes or so, then he’s gone. Also, the early factory scenes crucially include three Black women workers – Myrtle Mackenzie, Cleo Sylvestre and Winifred Sabine – and they are an integral part, laughing, gossiping and illicitly dancing along with the rest of the workforce.

This all makes me instinctively more charitable towards the uncomfortable final scene, where Sylvie’s racist clichés are unchecked; Rube just laughs along with a “you didn’t…?” (say that) kind of response. Given how another girl casually admits dropping out of an evening class, Dunn and Garnett, implicitly, deliver a realist parting shot both against the ‘improving’ WEA type ethos, but also show it is needed, implying these young women are limiting their horizons by not trying to grasp more conceptual ways of seeing the world. Making this clear in too blunt or didactic a way would seem overly churlish and undercut the generally warm portrayal of the three young women.

Overall, this presents the archetypal depiction of vigorous, thrilling but dangerous working-class life at this moment in time, and the pervasive hedonistic spirit and Peggy Lee ‘Is That All There Is?’ fatalism of many ordinary people in the London Nell Dunn experienced, and in the working-class Birmingham that formed Tony Garnett. There is survival humour and no lectures, never any lectures. The magnificently flawed gallery of people here show us who they are through their survival humour.

Most significantly, it also presented a rare woman writer’s outlook, with, even rarer, a majority female cast – a necessary breath of fresh air, that was too seldom followed up over the next decade both in The Wednesday Play and its successor Play for Today.

Best performance: GERALDINE SHERMAN

George Sewell has to be highlighted, for his conveying of the counterfeit charm such a Tallyman would have, while conveying his utter, greed-driven tenacity. This is the face of the system that most people couldn’t easily identify. Also, the great Tony Selby, an utterly inimitable actor, sly and loveable, devious and forlorn.

But Geraldine Sherman, from a Jewish refugee background, and who grew up in an orphanage, is just stunning, sensual and ordinary, and carries us along in her intense experiences – an abortion, the death of her betrothed boyfriend in a motorcycle – while then brushing them off with a bizarre, compelling breeziness (I’m not going to say stoicism or that highly overused and ideologically utilised word in 2020s culture, ‘resilience’).

Sherman is a luminous 1960s figure to go alongside Rita Tushingham, Pauline Boty, Sandie Shaw, Julie Christie and Jane Arden. She projects a brash, vulnerable warmth as Rube, who is more than ‘feisty’: a real force of casual joie de vivre.

Best line: “Are you frightened o’ dying, Sylvie?” / “Nah, you can’t get owt when yer dead”.

There are so many other great ones… This is just a very cursory sample:

“I’m using me brains to the best of me ability. It’s what the Tories call free enterprise!” (Barny the Tallyman)

“Never mind, Sylvie. Keep never-minding, it’s only for life…” (Rube)

“Why should we think ahead? What’s there to think ahead to, except growing old…?!” (Dave)

“Borstal was all right… A sort o’ University for them that couldn’t afford Oxford…” (Dave)

“He’s promised to take me to Bromsgrove for a fortnight…” (Mrs Hardy) [A fine one as one of Whitehouse’s most vociferous MP backers represented that constituency!]

“She was a scrubber all ‘er life. Ever since she was 14, she worked in them baths… Boiling hot in summer, damp and draughty in winter…Surprised it didn’t finish ‘er orf sooner…”.

Oh, and, actually, this must be the best in terms of environmental print:

Audience size: 9.21 million

This success was part of a significant upturn in BBC ratings, with the BBC getting six shows in TV’s Top Twenty, according to ITV associated TAM figures: being seen by 4.35 million homes, equivalent to 9.57 million individual viewers according to my approximated calculations (Daily Telegraph, 13 November 1965, p. 9).

Share of overall TV viewing audience: 60.8%

The opposition: BBC2 (The Vintage Years of Hollywood: Man’s Castle / Newsroom), ITV (Crime and the Bent Society: No. 02 – ‘The Big Tickle’ / Wrestling)

Audience Reaction Index: 58%

Reviewed in London press publications consulted: 69.2%

Reception: Funnily enough, this didn’t necessarily get many more next-day reviews than the average Wednesday Play. Yet, in time it was widely reviewed, while also provoking a vast reaction as a news item in itself, generating controversy and discussion of a volume that fulfilled Garnett’s aims. The reactions from critics and public were mixed, with a fair few loud attacks expressed, but these were out-argued by as many wiser heads. Overall, evidence points to the play annoying a certain type of person, but winning enthusiastic acceptance by a larger, increasingly socially liberal, public.

First off, an anonymous critic praised ‘a remarkable and technically stimulating hybrid, documentary in text and dialogue, impressionist in style and editing, embellished with raucous pop music’ (The Times, 4 November 1965, p. 17). They accepted its ‘honesty’, in reflecting Dunn’s experience of Battersea life, though pedantically noted it was only true of how ‘some people live’ and warned of the easy attractions the ‘well bred’ youth might find in ‘blank insignificant lives filling their vacuity with casually meaningless pleasures (mainly those of sex, booze, and dangerously driven motorbikes)’ (ibid.). They interpreted this TV show as suggesting that ‘life Up the Junction is drably and miserably unattractive ; her play is a vigorous persuader to virtue’ (ibid.). I would rather say that Dunn and Garnett are not judging the lives depicted in such a moralistic way as this reviewer does (ibid.).

Peter Black felt there was a provocateur element behind the play, with ‘the Wednesday Play boys’ seeing ‘just how far they could go in a television play with sex and cuss words’, but also that it was written and photographed ‘with remarkable technical brilliance’, immersing us in the street life (Daily Mail, 6 November 1965, p. 4). Black liked feeling so physically close to the characters, and legitimated its skill by analogising Dunn’s Battersea with W. Somerset Maugham’s Lambeth in his novel Liza of Lambeth (1900).

However, Black acknowledged that not all other viewers had taken to it: ‘A lot of people genuinely dislike seeing the unpleasant realities of life’, while others’ blood would have been frozen by ‘the anarchy of this play’ (ibid.). Black felt the terrified screams of the experience of the miscarriage effectively made a moralist point about the prior seduction (ibid.). Yet, despite all this, Black felt it applied too much of a ‘violent shove’, the amount of coarse language was unnecessary and that the final third added little (ibid.). He also bemoaned the camera turning him into a ‘voyeur’ during the seduction on the bomb-site, and claimed the BBC should have given more forewarning that many would be offended and shocked by the play (ibid.).

There might apparently have been other next-day reviews by Lockwood in the Daily Telegraph and one in the Daily Mirror, but these have not been traceable.

Maurice Richardson claimed that Dunn’s ‘objective study of mixed-up members of the Battersea lumpen proletariat had made a distinct impact on the subtopian hominids’ (Observer, 7 November 1965, p. 25). He noted tellingly that ‘Nobody objected that it wasn’t really a play at all’ and that the message that ‘this was very much what some girls really are like’ had got across, while reflecting he would have liked more ‘documentation’ and a sense of how typical these girls ‘and their sad sub way of life are of Battersea as compared with other parts of London’ (ibid.). Yet, Richardson felt its pull was in the script’s ‘verity’ and ‘exact observation’, compared with much other television (ibid.).

The same day, theatre critic J.W. Lambert critiqued Edward Bond’s Saved as a ‘springboard for squalid fantasy’, claiming it was ‘One in the eye for theatre that its first performance should take place simultaneously with Up the Junction‘s TV broadcast – with Dunn’s play ‘reaching out – too frenetically but with so much more warmth and truth – into this same grubby maelstrom of spiritual under-nourishment’ (Sunday Times, 7 November 1965, p. 55). Lambert reflected on now Tony Selby was excellent in both Saved and Up the Junction, which pointed up the contrast in the texts (ibid.).

Maurice Wiggin, reliably the dimmest and crustiest critic in the pack, patronised Nell Dunn as ‘a lucky girl’ and ‘a girl who has done little more, as yet, than demonstrate that her heart is in the right place and that she has an ear for common speech’, also titling his weekly column ‘Little Nell’s curiosity shop’ (Sunday Times, 7 November 1965, p. 57). Wiggin is churlish about Dunn’s celebrity, and while he felt the play was ‘a highly moral affair’ which depicted ‘life being lived flat-out, fermenting like grog’, this was ‘all on one terribly monotonous level’ (ibid.). He found the constant din oppressive to his ‘despised bourgeois habits of privacy and modulation’, expressing a clichéd attack: ‘The so-called “musical” element was diabolical’ (ibid.). Wiggin disliked how the vérité shots of real people implicated them in the drama; while accepting the vividness of the play, he felt it was ‘the vividness of uninhibited extremism’ (ibid.). Wiggin makes a relatively perceptive going about progressive intellectuals finding life in the slums ‘rich’, while disdaining ‘thin and impoverished’ suburban life – which he nevertheless accepts they ‘quite rightly’ want slum dwellers to have access to. Yet his lack of attentiveness to the text is clear when claiming the central trip were ‘barely sketched in’ and he felt the elder women actors were far too familiar, though did feel the Tallyman was a ‘predator whom Dickens or Mayhew would have fastened on […] This vulturine monster was a stunning little cameo: a whole play, a whole series could grow out of him’ (ibid.).

However, despite these kernels of insight, and Wiggin’s claim to ‘respect radicalism’, he critiqued Dunn, Loach and MacTaggart’s ‘uneasy compound of self-righteousness and pugnacity’ and lapsed into his customary Tory philistinism:

Other people have tried to tell the truth and shame the devil, and even to improve this wicked world. Without losing sight of the prime aim of entertainment. (ibid.).

Wiggin’s slightly more eggheaded partner in Sunday prose T.C. Worsley emphasised James MacTaggart’s boldness and nerve in continuing got back ‘his fancies’, despite earning ‘more abuse than praise for his selections’, but also that he found the producer’s taste ‘almost wholly unsympathetic’, seeing his experimentation as ‘a false trail’ (Financial Times, 10 November 1965, p. 26). However, Worsley admired MacTaggart’s persistence in discovering ‘new forms in television writing and the provision of as free an opportunity as possible for his writers to experiment with the medium’, admitting his own critical tastes may be old-fashioned (ibid.). Experiment is ‘not just laudable, it is essential, if the whole thing is not to run down’: television needing such a slot equivalent to the Royal Court where ‘anything and everything can be tried’, though Worsley felt The Wednesday Play should be at a later hour and less exposed, as it were, to ‘harsh criticism’ (though, indeed, less impactful to a large public, I’d argue) (ibid.).

Worsley conceded that Up the Junction‘s ‘technical innovations’ as tele-verite and ‘liveliness and lyricism’ lent it an impact no conventional methods could have achieved, and commended White, Sherman and Turner’s brilliant acting (ibid.). He made familiar obtuse arguments questioning its overall truth about Clapham Junction life, while feeling it lost rhythm from the motorcycle accident on (ibid.). However, he ended his review more favourably by admiring its freshness of approach, compared to Rediffusion’s Blackmail, which would feature youthful amorality or backstreet abortions, but be ‘trivially told and indifferently acted’ (ibid.).

Patrick Skene Catling totally failed to review the play, instead impugning Nell Dunn’s deliberate social mobility, recalling meeting her once at Woodrow Wyatt’s ‘splendid house beside Regent’s Park, shortly after she had made her move from Chelsea to Battersea’:

I am not among those who believe that richest disqualify a man from socialist politics, not that they beat a young woman from living among the poor of South London. But she shouldn’t brag so about her way of life. Mr. Wyatt doesn’t about his (Punch, 10 November 1965, p. 700).

Frederick Laws reflected that reviewers of Dunn’s original short stories were excited by their portrayal of unfamiliar lives of women from ‘the lower orders’ in Battersea, but felt this TV version was (sigh) ‘no continuing central characters or progression of story’ (The Listener, 11 November 1965, p. 771). This is blatantly wrong in that there are three central women protagonists. Again, Laws felt it was propaganda ‘against the horror of furtive abortion’ and ‘could have been taken as a sermon against slums, poverty, and promiscuity’, echoing several other critics’ pearl-clutching interpretation from their own perspectives (ibid.). Laws felt ‘Miss’ Dunn ‘was plainly serious and on the side of the angels and the common people’, concluding with a wish that she might ‘one day give us a brutally realistic play about smart people’ (ibid.).

D.A.N. Jones also admitted to a ‘mingled pity and admiration’, though contrasting Dunn’s vision of charming spirit with Orwell’s colder approach to working-class life in the adaptation of his novel Keep the Aspidistra Flying on BBC Two on Sundays (New Statesman, 12 November 1965, p. 760). Jones felt it was clearly true to life, ‘but it dealt almost entirely with extroverts in public situations’, interestingly also reflecting how local clergy wanted even more realism through drugs being depicted (ibid.). He noted a post-play Late Night Line-Up discussion where MacTaggart claimed that ‘we’ are afraid of people like this, while Ken Loach ‘held that the harsh abortion scene would act as a dire warning’, though Jones questioned against what, given how ‘The girl was up against and bouncing around so soon’ afterwards (ibid.). Apparently, ‘a tearful Nell Dunn answered telephone complaints from South London’ itself (ibid.).

While furthering the blind alley of questioning its deep social representativeness of all Battersea life, Jones developed this line of argument in the most interesting way:

We saw not Battersea but a set of mobile youngsters on a network that linked Tooting, Brixton and the deep-south motor-bike belt. We saw the equally feckless grannies and widows of the pubs and markets. But there was hardly a sign of the important 25-45 age group. They were represented by the evil tallyman, his business ethics interpreted with vicious brilliance by George Sewell. But who was he talking to? The author, evidently. Her absence from the play left a hold which could only be filled by an appearance of documentary objectivity, confusing the audience (ibid).

Philip Purser discerned that, at least, TV’s filmic yearnings had yielded a ‘movie’ in Up the Junction, claiming the proportions of film to video studio were 2:1 (it was in fact, by my exact calculations, 52.6%:47.4%). Purser felt this use of Denis Mitchell’s documentary style with actors was ‘a remarkable breakthrough’, while chiding the ‘over-praise and over-anxiety’ it had elicited, and expressing deep irritation that Dunn, MacTaggart and Loach had tried to ‘take up a total position’ on Line-Up (Sunday Telegraph, 7 November 1965, p. 13). Rather, Purser admired it as ‘a piece of art’, being ‘alive, tangy, exhilarating’, brilliantly shot and played, which ‘flew’, and had ‘dear old Rita Webb’ (ibid.).

Purser’s glowing – and notably anti-sociological – Sunday Telegraph review was also, tellingly, published as an advertisement in both The Listener (11 November 1965, p. 749) and The Economist (13 November 1965, p. 754). Significantly in view of November 1965’s position as a cultural turning point, Alan Brien’s review of Edward Bond’s play Saved at the Royal Court appeared on the same both times (ibid.). Notably, Kenneth Tynan uttered the word “fuck” on BBC3 just ten days after Up the Junction had aired.

A.B. complained of the noise, and its not being a play in the same way the previous week’s A Designing Woman was (Leicester Mercury, 4 November 1965, p. 8). They felt it was ‘essentially a Sunday supplement sort of programme, showing exactly the unfortunate sort of people that Lord Snowdon took such wonderful pictures of the other week for a certain newspaper’ (ibid.).

K.H.H. discovered ‘a kind of cockney “Guys and Dolls” in some ways’, offering ‘life in the raw’, with an emphasis on sexual adventure (Liverpool Echo, 4 November 1965, p. 2). They wanted more hope, feeling Dunn’s play was devoid of it, also noting how ‘surprised and embarrassed’ Dunn was in the phone-in section of Late Night Line-Up, talking to viewers telling her it doesn’t happen in their street and such (ibid.).

B.L. typically admired the play’s ‘vitality’ but expressed irritation at its ‘formlessness’, ‘strident background music’ and ‘sudden camera switches’ (Belfast Telegraph, 4 November 1965, p. 13). They found it ‘a haunting, horrifying picture’ of these people’s lives, who just carry on cheerfully (ibid.).

Peggie Phillips felt it was ‘almost totally destructive, sordid and alienating in its view of working-class English women’, with the only ‘benefit to be gained’ its ‘frightening propaganda against abortion’ (The Scotsman, 4 November 1965, p. 7). Phillips bemoaned Dunn’s ‘small and dingy view of life’, and questioned the BBC Director, Television, Kenneth Adam’s words against cosiness: ‘A few more consequences like this and the livingroom will need fumigation’ (ibid.). Four days later, Phillips returned to her attack, having the gall to call the BBC ‘anti-prudes’ ‘officious’ while also implying support for censorship: wanting youngsters not to be shown ‘such drab details on Sex’, which would lead them away from ‘the pleasures of matrimony and parenthood’ (The Scotsman, 8 November 1965, 5).

In stark contrast, far further south, Michael Unger was amazed by its realism: ‘Every word, every line and every action hung in the air and was engulfed in the powerful, raw and witty actions of the three anti-heroines, ending with ‘Magnificent’ in a single word sentence (Reading Evening Post, 4 November 1965, p. 2). In the Midlands, Sheila McGregor felt the play provided ‘magnificent television’, centring on characters who ‘refused to give in to their appalling surroundings’, while avoiding any ‘romanticised portrait of slum living’ (Birmingham Post, Midland Magazine, 6 November 1965, p. IV).

Jim Webber felt the documentary aesthetics made the programme open to criticism for not accurately representing all of Battersea life, and not just ‘three girls and their background’ (Bristol Evening Post, 6 November 1965, p. 5). The ‘authoress’ Dunn, on LNL-U is said to have explained she was concerned with ‘a specific section of the Battersea population, who did live in this way, talk in this manner, and act thus’ (ibid.). This article blethered somewhat boringly on – and on – with its concerns about the blurring of the lines between fact and fiction.

Alf McCreary noted that Dunn’s play was ‘a racy exposee of “life in the raw”’, which was frank but unlikely to shock a television generation weaned on the material they had been used to over the past five years (Belfast Telegraph, Ireland’s Saturday Night, 6 November 1965, p. 8). Rather typically, McCreary questioned the material, but acclaimed the production as ‘a television tour de force’, only questioning ‘the appearance of one fat, greasy actress who plays the same type of middle-aged Cockney matron in every film or television play I happen to watch’ (ibid.).

Uniquely – to the best of my knowledge – this was the first Wednesday Play to have been reviewed overseas. Otta. in US magazine Variety, sagely notes it had been ‘Much, and falsely, abused for concentrating on the seamy side of life at the expense of sugar-and-spice’, while praising ‘a forthright, pungent and fruitily phrased study’, which ‘had much of the immediacy of a documentary, but with the selectivity appropriate to drama’ (10 November 1965, p. 52). Otta. shrewdly noted the characters’ sense of ‘non-involvement’, and ‘zestful capacity for survival’, acclaiming a ‘fascinating, moving, and true montage of incidents, building up to a celebration of life as it is, rather than as pink spectacles would make it’ (ibid.).

The play elicited considerably more coverage outside of reviews than we’ve seen for any Wednesday Play so far, exceeding even John Hopkins’s two earlier 1965 dramas.

The Halifax Daily Courier and Guardian (4 November 1965, p. 1) carried a front page story thus:

Whitehouse claimed it made promiscuity normal, not facing the issue it already was normal for many people in British society, while arguing young people were being ‘exploited for the indulgence of dirty minds’ and linking it with a wider decadence she saw furthered in Monday’s Twenty-four Hours (ibid.). The Torbay Herald Express (4 November 1965, p. 3), Wolverhampton Express and Star (4 November 1965, p. 23) and Lincolnshire Echo (4 November 1965, p. 1) all carried highly similar copy:

The Daily Telegraph carried a short piece noting Ken Loach’s claim on Late Night Line-Up that they wanted to show ‘the terrible nature of abortion’, while also noting the BBC had revealed its duty officer had been ‘besieged’ with phone calls from viewers after the play’s broadcast (4 November 1965, p. 19). Brian Dean in the Daily Mail quantified this as ‘a record number of protest calls from viewers’: yet, merely, ‘hundreds’, which contained throughout the night after the play and all day yesterday (5 November 1965, p. 11). This article stressed how Whitehouse wanted Kenneth Robinson to meet a delegation, while BBC officials are said to ‘expect Mr. Michael Peacock, head of BBC 1’ to call an internal meeting (ibid.).

John Edwards and Richard Sear wrote a double page spread in the Daily Mirror; Edwards’s piece was somewhat Rod Liddle-esque doorstop journalism technique of visiting Winstanley Road and the Winstanley Arms boozer – ‘where [apparently] some of authoress Nell Dunn’s action took place’ (5 November 1965, pp. 16-17). Pub manager George Murphy reports a lot of anger against the play, while Daisy Lewis, 75, and Amy Martin ‘glowered behind their spectacles’ and use violent invective: ‘Abortions and whoring in Battersea? That Miss Dunn wants knocking on the head’ (ibid.). However, a more nuanced picture is at least clarified: at Garton Glucose factory in Clapham Junction, the men were said to be split 50:50 between those who liked and disliked it and none of the teenagers interviewed were bothered by the abortion scene or ‘free love’ depicted, with Rita Priest, 14, noting ‘There are girls like them knocking around the clubs, with others finding Clapham’s representation ‘pretty sexy’ (ibid.).

Interviewed by Sear, Nell Dunn insisted her writing ‘suggests things for people’s own interpretation’, which is unquestionably true of a play that was polysemic, as audience and critical reception attests (ibid.). The article claims Dunn herself was threatened by ‘phone calls’, sadly unsurprisingly given that Lewis and Martin weren’t alone in their vile attitudes, and she is said to have taken her phone off the hook on 3 November itself (ibid.). The piece recounts how Dunn and Sandford bought a house in Battersea in 1959 and installed a phone and bath, both of which they let many neighbours use due to their lack of such amenities in their own homes (ibid.). Dunn worked for several moments in a sweet factory for 2s. 5d. an hour, and her own humane attitude comes across:

To me the girls I wrote about were tremendous.

Some of them were called ‘slags’ – meaning that they were free and easy with their love. They had marvellous energy.

God knows, if most girls lived up to their standards, the world would be a gayer place. (ibid.)

Dunn also noted how she amalgamated characters from life, with some sections fictionalised, and the Tallyman chapter ‘came from life’, within a whole work aiming to ‘expose the hardships of working class life’ (ibid.).

‘Staffman’ stoutly defended Up the Junction in the Lincolnshire Echo for its sobering depiction of abortion and how the play was ‘anything but the product of a dirty mind’ (5 November 1965, p. 8). They felt the overall effect was ‘surely to scare the impressionable away from loose living’, which, ironically, is a main object of the Clean-Up TV campaigners…

Wolverhampton Express and Star reported a very real Parliamentary brouhaha gearing up, with Conservative MP for Birmingham Selly Oak, Harold Garden planning to table a question next week for minister Kenneth Robinson about how he had replied to Whitehouse’s aforementioned letter (5 November 1965, p. 25). Other groups, including the Catholic Teachers Federation and a group of Birmingham doctors were said to be lending the CUTV campaign their support, attacking the BBC for ‘highlighting moral laxity as normality’, with the latter group pressuring the BMA to put pressure on the BBC (ibid.). A group of women members of the North Hendon Conservative Association at Edgware passed a motion deploring ‘the moral standards now being set by the B.B.C. in TV programmes publicising sex, crime and lawlessness, of which ‘Up the Junction’ was the most recent and shocking example.’ (Belfast News Letter, 6 November 1965, p. 6). The Daily Mail clarified that the 20 Midlands doctors taking a lead in the protests were headed by Birmingham’s Medical Officer of Health, Dr Ernest Millar (6 November 1965, p. 9). Another signatory was Dr David Sturdy, while MP Sir Ian Orr-Ewing is said to have attended the Edgware meeting (Nottingham Guardian Journal, 6 November 1965, p. 5).

The Gossiper questioned their colleague Staffman on earlier praise for Up the Junction, saying: ‘television being fireside home entertainment, it should arrive for a higher level than this’, tiresomely adding that ‘lavatory pan’ would be an apter term than ‘kitchen sink’ to describe it, while damning the play’s characters as ‘illiterates’ (Lincolnshire Echo, 6 November 1965, p. 4). Alan Stewart of the Glasgow Sunday Post denied the play was ‘high drama’, describing ‘a sleazy sequence’ – in his own mind – ‘on a girl who had gone to a back-street abortionist’ (7 November 1965, p. 12). A highly-pro Whitehouse article in her relatively local tag, the Wolverhampton Express and Star conflated the play with a BBC programme on birth control clinics for “unmarrieds” at Birmingham and tried to give credence to a risible comment from an unnamed MP describing Whitehouse as ‘a modern Chartist, demanding from the communicators in 1965 what was demanded – and won – from politicians in the 1830s’ (6 November 1965, p. 16).

Taking a different tone, the Daily Mirror advertised on its front page the next Sunday Mirror‘s serialisation of Dunn’s original book, repeating three times: ‘IT WAS VULGAR. IT WAS RAW. IT WAS LIFE’ (6 November 1965, p. 1).

Columnist Peter Dundas railed against watching ‘silly wee lassies in Battersea […] who’re interested only in sex every other night of the week’, arguing it should have been cut altogether (Glasgow Sunday Mail, 7 November 1965, p. 10). Interestingly, Dundas interviewed producer James MacTaggart, who defended the play this:

I would hate to feel that I was responsible for adversely affecting a young viewer.

I don’t think that ‘Up the Junction’ was shocking or that it gave the impression that Britain is full of good time girls like the ones from Battersea.

We tried to show that a pity it is that there are girls involved in a way of life like this. We want people to understand them – and to have compassion for them.

Some Westerns shock me more than plausible like ‘Up the Junction’ (ibid.).

Dundas remained unconvinced, and the piece was flanked by Marjory Gaston, of Station Road, Neilston and Billy Cullen, 17, of Linnhe Crescent, Wishaw, who find it did not match the youngsters they knew or was ‘distorted and not true to life’ (ibid.).

The Reading Evening Post went so far as to contain a binary debate on the question: ‘Do we see too much of the seamy side?’ (11 November 1965, p. 10). John Fielding argued for, with Rodney Tyler, spectacled, against. Fielding opposed as he felt that, like John Cleland’s novel Fanny Hill (1748), centuries earlier, those claiming it had a high, cautionary moral message were being duplicitous (ibid.). In one sense, Fielding may have been right: Dunn clearly wasn’t intending to morally indict the people or acts being depicted, as her 5 November Mirror interview made clear. But this was no bad thing: it is very much Fielding revealing his own snobbish prejudices when he feels he is watching something that is communicating that ‘people are immoral, fat, sweaty, perverted, ugly, foul-mouthed, lecherous, lying and avaricious’ (ibid.). So few press critics seemed to get that the Tallyman was the only individual being presented as bad by the play. Tyler more wisely commented that it was the technique of immersing us in the Clapham Junction life, not the play’s events themselves, that ‘shocked’ viewers, but then claimed watching is good so that we know ‘the seven deadly sins before’ preaching them (ibid.). However, Tyler shrewdly then reflected that Dunn was not forwarding a moral or immoral perspective, showing and not commenting, and rightly critiqued critics’ absurd attacks on being confronted with realistic language and behaviours, which had ignored the play’s actual communicative content (ibid.).

While Tyler had a concern that this play’s brilliant techniques could be used by a future Hitler, he extolled how ‘The BBC has not gone too far, for it is the purpose of drama to push back the barriers and to explore reality’:

I would rather have a thousand honest “Up the Junctions” to every Dixon of Dock Green or Lockhart, or night at the Stars and Garters on TV. They corrupt far more insidiously by distorting reality in a good cause.

They show a false fake world where human beings are like clockwork dummies and they help to keep the Mary Whitehouses of this world quiet, deluded and ignorant (ibid.).

Reading was a place awash with wise words on Up the Junction, as subsequent viewer letters will show!

Dunn’s plotless narrative was clearly commonly recognised: Shirley Lord in the London Evening News and Star noted how its ‘batch of candid camera shots’ approach applied also to Nik Cohn’s Market, a newly published book with ‘some frank close-ups’ (12 November 1965, p. 4).

Norman Phelps claimed that both the moderniser and traditionalist camps have a point about this type of play, yet somewhat sided with the latter, claiming the ‘small screen has taken as much as it can stand of this particular kind of utterly frank, utterly uninhibited programme’ (Liverpool Daily Post, 13 November 1965, p. 5). Phelps rightly highlights how TV should try and ‘discover new angles’ and do more than ‘comfortable happy little serials’, while also feeling it has to sensitive to how it is a presence in people’s home spaces (ibid.). Phelps accommodated much of Tyler’s wise view, while still claiming it went too far, acidly noting that MacTaggart and Loach’s claim it was ‘partly intended as a moral warning’ was a mere ‘eleventh hour rationalisation’ (ibid.). I would argue that it was a somewhat nervous sop to the media climate of 1965. Phelps noted how Dunn seemed almost in tears at the fact people hadn’t liked the play, and called for an Ombudsman to inform programme makers ‘on how certain programmes might be expected generally to be received’ (ibid.).

Captain Henry Kerby, Conservative MP for Arundel and Shoreham, West Sussex, wrote in, admitting he hadn’t seen the play and could not contribute to the controversy aroused by Lockwood’s review, though he had read and re-read the book and claimed it was of ‘very considerable sociological importance’ as an insight into ‘the lives of “the other half”.’ (Daily Telegraph, 13 November 1965, p. 8). Kerby notes prudes can switch off TV sets, but would certainly be unwise to ‘snap the book shut’ (ibid.).

In a clear sign of Up the Junction’s mainstream appeal and controversial lightning rod status, parts of Nell Dunn’s original text were serialised over three editions of the Sunday Mirror (7 November, pp. 20-1; 14 November 1965, pp. 8-9; 21 November 1965, pp. 8-9). The first of these articles included an image of Dunn riding a bark in a dark urban tunnel flanked by a fine looking canine:

This Sunday Mirror story was previewed in the Daily Mirror (13 November 1965, p. 2):

A prominent front page comment story mused on Tynan uttering the f-word on the BBC at 11:19 pm on Saturday 13 November, noting how as a paper they had first published the word ‘Bloody’ in a War related headline on 1 June 1940: ‘BLOODY MARVELLOUS !’ (Daily Mirror, 17 November 1965, p. 1-2). They detailed how ‘blue-stocking’ ‘Miss’ Marghanita Laski had used five instances of four-letter words in a New Statesman article over the same weekend, writing about the new Penguin Dictionary, without using asterisks as they really preciously do in their article (ibid.). They tried to indicate the Sunday Mirror‘s daring in publishing the excerpts from Dunn’s original Up the Junction text, asking rhetorically whether they are ‘going too far’? then implicitly answering no: ‘morals change, times change, words change, people change. Maybe we shouldn’t take it all too seriously’ (ibid.). The piece ended with an apt dismissal of the moralists’ calls to sack Hugh Greene as DG and Tynan as literary director of the National Theatre, but did question Tynan’s language being used without warning and branded him a ‘theatrical show-off’ (ibid.). Thus, the tortuously convoluted passage of change in the mainstream world of 1965 was writ… colossal!

The pseudonymous “Hotline” felt the worst thing about Up the Junction was how its makers took ‘relish’ in this ‘flood of sex and gutter language [being] poured into our homes in the name of freedom and liberty of expression’ (Port Talbot Guardian, 19 November 1965, p. 10). Stolid conservative reaction follows, with a deputation to local MP John Morris planned and extensive listing of people involved, and how ‘over 100 MPs’ had approved the presentation to Parliament of over 250,000 signatures supporting Whitehouse’s Clean Up TV Campaign (ibid.).

The same day, Katharine Whitehorn reviewed Nell Dunn’s book Talking to Women in The Observer, extolling Dunn’s portrait of nine woman of a similar age to herself – including Ann Quin and Paddy Kitchen – ‘tigerish priestesses of spontaneity [who] have enormous vitality, enormous appeal’ (21 November 1965, p. 26). Whitehorn wanted a bit of external social context, as well as Dunn’s own opinions, contributions and conclusions, but still found it an ‘absorbing, teasing book’ (ibid.).

In a Leeds parish magazine, the Rev. Eric Porteous of St Mary the Virgin, Quarry Hill, stood up for the play, noting he had been a curate in Wimbledon Park, London, and seen all the events of the play:

This is life as it is for many people. We must not believe that life is only what we experience in the four walls of our own home (Guardian, 1 January 1966, p. 3).

Nesta Roberts noted how volunteer social workers among the Sidcup and Chislehurst Grammar School claimed that old people now feared the young:

The popular press and TV has given them the idea that we are a sort of ‘Up the Junction!’ generation, used to attacking old ladies in the street. If you knock on the door, perhaps not having had a haircut recently and wearing an old pair of jeans, they think you are going to attack them. (Guardian, 3 February 1966, p. 6).

The audience research report reveals this was the archetypal Wednesday Play in the sense of attaining a large audience – nearly one in five of the UK public – while also polarising opinion. 25% gave it the highest A+ score, a further 26% an A, while 12% gave it a low C and 17% the lowest C- score (VR/65/619). 20% were right in the middle, ranking it B. Its RI of 58, while fractionally below Play for Today’s, was somewhat higher than the overall average for The Wednesday Play, which, IIRC, was 55-56 or so (ibid.).

The more granular detail included that there was a group broadly sharing the morally affronted perspectives of the more cloistered critics, terming Up the Junction ‘Disgusting, degrading, and unnecessarily sordid’, with the emphasis on ‘sex and squalor’ giving what they felt was the false impression that Battersea was peopled by ‘teenage sluts, young hooligans and vulgar old harridans’ (ibid.). Notably, the report claims that those who doubted the play’s veracity were a small minority among the sample of viewers, with rather more among the negative group just not finding this reality entertaining (ibid.). Conversely, over half found it ‘compulsive viewing’, strongly admiring Dunn’s capturing of ‘the brave, gay defiance of ordinary men and women’, loving how there was no ‘obvious ‘message” (ibid.). One viewer called it ‘the nearest thing to real life I have ever seen on television’, attesting to the success of Loach and Garnett’s approach, immersing us in the feelings of everyday South London life (ibid.). Two particular individuals spoke eloquently to how it was reflecting neglected working-class experiences:

Anyone who complains about this programme is complaining about life itself’, declared an Electrician, while a Housewife concluded: ‘How can I be offended by a way of life I remember as a child? (ibid.)

Performances were broadly felt to be ‘amazingly natural and realistic – ‘terrifyingly so’, in some cases, with many even refusing to believe they were by actors! (ibid.). The excellent outdoor scenes were felt to be integrated smoothly with the studio interiors, though some viewers felt there were excessive close-ups and ‘unnecessarily loud background noise’ drowned out the dialogue (ibid.). While some were ‘disconcerted’ by the play’s unconventional structure, this did not become a groundswell of opinion, with others noting shrewdly that this distanced it from typical drama, though they felt it should have been specifically framed as a ‘dramatised documentary’ beforehand (ibid.).

Public letters published in the press included Percy C. Brown of Birmingham 23, who admired its realistic staging, but felt it was ‘an offence against public decency’, out-Hogarthing Hogarth ‘and the anatomy episodes were over-protracted’ (Birmingham Post, 5 November 1965, p. 6). A definite snobbery resounded:

Typical, alas, of much that goes on today in the lower strata of society, the majority of the scenes and episodes constituted a flagrant abuse of dramatic art, and an unsavoury reminder of the steel decline that has taken place in speech, manners and morality int eh last three decades. (ibid.)

A Mrs. A.M. of West Heath, Birmingham wrote to claim she had ‘nearly smashed the television to bits’ in anger, feeling very personally affronted that the representation of young people did not match her own family: her sons own a motorcycle, but don’t ‘go drinking in pubs. They go fishing every weekend and there must be thousands like them’ (Birmingham Sunday Mercury, 7 November 1965, p. 27). I’m sad to have to be acerbic here, but why did so many people seem to struggle with the idea of fiction that had a licence to depict groups of people different to many viewers’ direct experience?!

The Glasgow Sunday Mail Magazine carried three letters on the play, a rare occasion a Wednesday Play headed this section of the paper (7 November 1965, p 16). James Duncan of Kirkintilloch Road assailed this ‘smut’, which was not ‘normal’, claiming dubiously some authority in being a teenager himself, while N. Lawson of 36 Castle Terrace, Edinburgh used the words ‘sordid’ and ‘drivel’, yes of course they did! (ibid.) Inevitably, our old mucker the Daily Mail signal boosted a similar Whitehouse acolyte from Wilberforce Road in Leicester, a Mrs B. Corby, decrying ‘filth’, yet above that carried a Mrs Joyce Thomson of Charlmont Road, Tooting, SW17, who praised its acting and righteously railed:

When are people going to wake up to the fact that sex is one of the basic enjoyments of life and always will be. I am not degenerate or weird. Just a happily married woman with a young daughter. (8 November 1965, p. 8)

Tooting celebrated freedom long before old Woolfie! At least if you just glanced at the press, you’d get the sense Mrs Johnson was outnumbered, but such is the persistent loud shouting of authoritarian conservative zealots.

In the first of several Daily Telegraph letters, Edna Stanway of Lymington, Hants, decried its depravity, then tellingly ended: ‘Is it too late to appeal for higher standards or must we leave it to the Communist countries who ban this type of decadence to carry forward the ideals of clean living and civilisation ?’ (8 November 1965, p. 12). Conversely, Tony Smythe of Reading found it ‘full-blooded, vivid, sympathetic and highly amusing’, slamming Lockwood’s partial review and claiming the characters were ‘a reasoned and fair proportion of the Clapham Junction scene (ibid.). Smythe, tired of a ‘surfeit of mournful seaside resorts and other kitchen sink dramas’ hoped that Lockwood’s comments wouldn’t discourage more dramas like Up the Junction (ibid.). An R.C. Grinham of London, SW11, backed up Smythe, claiming the dialogue was ‘studded with wit and shrewd observation – it was a giggle from beginning to end’ (ibid.).

Two letters in the Daily Mirror slammed the play. A Mrs H. Spalding chastised the Mirror’s TV critic for praising the play; while she was able to admit ‘some people do live in a disgusting manner’, the play made her ‘boil’, while a Mrs W. Delaney of London SW11 felt it unfairly depicted Battersea as ‘a cess-pool’; A. Humberstone of London EC1 was brief and tersely to the point: ‘Congratulations to the B.B.C. Let’s have more real-life plays for the people who live in reality’ (8 November 1965, p. 10). Unfortunately, then, many Northerners let the side down. W.L. Keighley of Ferndale, Blackley Road, Elland, backed up Whitehouse, feeling plays had been well worth watching in the mid-1950s, but decried how now the BBC persistently encouraged ‘the half-baked efforts of immature weirdies’ (Halifax Daily Courier & Guardian, 9 November 1965, p. 4).

Furthermore, ’57 Readers’ purporting to be ‘a group of responsible adult women of all ages, from all walks of life’ protested against a ‘vile and disgusting programme’ (Manchester Evening News & Chronicle, 10 November 1965, p. 3). They claimed to have considered sending a protest about other past plays, but this ‘all-time low standard’ spurred them to act: ‘we wish to censure any producer or head of department who passed this for public viewing’ (ibid.).

Conversely, two fine letters in the Reading Evening Post displayed level-headed Southern sense. G.G. Tate, of Birdhill Avenue, Reading, wryly noted how ‘This sort of life exists […] in most large towns and most intelligent people know this’, and that this sort of drama could actually do more good than ‘lectures’, while perceiving that the Whitehouse lot ‘do enjoy viewing disgustedly’ (9 November 1965, p. 8). A Mrs Frances Woollett of 22 Matthews Green Rd., Wokingham, turned some anger on Whitehouse herself: ‘I refuse to let her speak on my behalf. By whose authority does this woman appoint herself watchdog?’ (ibid.). Meanwhile, Rhoda Fraser, of 5 Scotland Street, Edinburgh, demolished Peggie Phillips’s review for missing the point of a ‘brilliant slice of life’, with ‘a great warmth of feeling’ towards its characters, and how ‘the warm seediness of the old borough’ was ‘giving way to the cold, high blocks of flats (The Scotsman, 9 November 1965, p. 8). This is a great letter, showing wisdom that Phillips was writing from a blinded ‘genteel’ perspective; Fraser fully got the play in a way few of the critics did:

The participants’ engagement in life, their “knocking” of out-of-touch officialdom, their search for love, their tolerance and their awareness of the threat of the H-bomb were surely all rich and positive qualities. (ibid.)

Meanwhile, an extensive discussion continued in the Wolverhampton Express and Star (10 November 1965, p. 12). P.R. Skidmore felt the BBC should encourage ‘that which is pure, and that which is right, and that which is holy’, but was outnumbered by ‘Tiger Wallace’, who claimed near pornographic books and some films would corrupt far more than Up the Junction, and by a certain Richard James Whitehouse, of Northwood Park, Wolverhampton, who followed up on his 6 November letter. This other Whitehouse discerned a cautionary message about careful driving, terming the play ‘a masterpiece created by brilliant teamwork’ (ibid.).

The Gossiper notes a housewife writing to tell them that highly educated white collar boys in Lincoln got up to similar behaviour – ‘All night parties, moonlight bathing (when the weather permits), week-end orgies etc.’ (Lincolnshire Echo, 11 November 1965, p. 3). She seems to feel they aren’t as open as the Battersea women, ending: ‘I am not condemning them – only wish I was young enough to join them…’ (ibid.).

A ‘Hans Christian Andersen Reader’ claimed not to have a TV, but found discussions of Dunn’s ‘sordid epic’ interesting, ending with a call to accept sex, but just as a small part of our lives, without ‘dirty sniggering’ (Leicester Mercury, 12 November 1965, p. 4). Barrington Roberts of Walberton, West Sussex rather snobbishly set themselves above the fray of those Telegraph correspondents who had viewed it, and passionately argued for or against the play’s merits, patronising them all as being alike as ‘a captive audience’ like that desired by advertisers (Daily Telegraph, 12 November 1965, p. 16).

Mrs V. Colebrook of Hastings, East Sussex reflected, obviously but necessarily, that ‘No doubt there are many people in Battersea who are not a bit like the people in the play […] But just because they are not is no reason to deny such lively characters exist’ (Daily Mirror, 12 November 1965, p. 10).

David Boulton of Elstead, Surrey wisely objected to the ‘Miss Stanways of this world telling me what will or will not corrupt me’, referring back to the previously outnumbered Edna Stanway letter of 8 November (Daily Telegraph, 16 November 1965, p. 21). This gradual backlash of good sense in the Daily Telegraph pages – despite apparent reactionary missives from “Peter Simple” [Michael Wharton] is significant: showing Tory England was far from uncomplicatedly aligned with Mary Whitehouse.

Furthermore, it is worth reflecting that a mere 0.005% of the estimated audience phoned into the BBC duty log about the play – and I don’t yet have evidence these were all necessarily negative calls – while fewer than this wrote into the press to complain. By and large, I estimate over 5 million people liked or really liked Up the Junction, with maybe 2.5 million disliking or hating it, to varying degrees, and 1.7 million being more mixed or neutral.

Academic Madeleine Macmurraugh-Kavanagh felt viewers had misread Garnett’s intent about abortion, those being positive towards the play feeling it was a chilling warning against abortion itself rather than a pro-abortion piece which indicted women being compelled to have backstreet abortions; she also noted how Loach and Garnett learned from this polysemic ambiguity, subsequently making Cathy Come Home crystal clear in all respects  (op. cit., pp. 253-4). While I’d argue that Macmurraugh-Kavanagh is overly emphasising the negative minority’s misreading of the text, it clearly did make Up the Junction a complex, divisive text, where Cathy would provide unifying through its Theatre Workshop style blend of Brechtian distancing and Dickensian sentimentality.

At a Conference to herald the January 1966 Wednesday Play run, starting with The Boneyard, BBC Head of Plays Michael Bakewell led from the front in noting that of the 9.5 million who had watched the controversial play, 400 had ‘registered their embarrassment’ (Guardian, 4 January 1966, p. 2). Notably, James Green had earlier noted how the postbag initially contained letters ‘all viciously in protest. But letters arriving two or three days later are less biased and often favourable to the programme’ (London Evening News and Star, 18 November 1965, p. 11). Mary Whitehouse was to have her very first TV appearance on 24 November, following a confrontation in the pages of the Daily Mirror with progressive campaigner Avril Fox and Harrow New Town Councillor, who along with seven like-minded women, is said to have kicked off an anti-Whitehouse ‘freedom for TV’ campaign with a letter to the New Statesman on 19 November.

Asa Briggs – who listed Up the Junction as one of his four landmark Wednesday Plays or Plays for Today from 1964-74 – records that there were 460 telephone calls to the BBC about the play, and that it sharply divided the audience (1995, pp. 522, 1013-75). Yet, as we have seen it had many strong public and media defenders, and the play quickly became canonised. In April 1966, Troy Kennedy Martin felt it had lifted drama ‘out of the rut and makes nonsense of the idea that television is only a poor relation of theatre or film’, claiming it was better than any British film of 1965 and more important than any play seen in the theatre (Contrast, p. 137). Martin noted how rare it was that directors in TV were given the time to develop like Loach had been, from Teletale onwards; he situated Loach alongside Peter Watkins (1935-2025 RIP), as directors whose works ‘explode out from the run of the mill material (ibid., p. 139). Martin also identified how Loach was getting viewers to feel rather than think, praising how he

uses sound to carry the momentum of a play. Girls chattering up stairs, noises, pop music, an overheard conversation about a gasworks, wild sound and crystal clear snatched phrases, statistics all provide the movement while the camera punches out the meaning. (ibid.)

In terms of journalistic urgency, historian Christopher Bray made the most significant claims of all, arguing that Up the Junction influenced the 1967 Abortion Act, which legalized abortion through the NHS (2014, p. 245). Within a month of the play’s broadcast, politician Lord Stonham cited it in a debate as exposing the grim reality faced by young women forced into illegal abortions. The discussion also highlighted class inequality – wealthy women could pay for safer procedures while the poor suffered most. The 1967 Act finally ended this injustice, passed by the Commons in July that year and coming into force on 27 April 1968. (Apparently, the BBC stopped a planned 1966 repeat due to the political sensitivities; a subject I will need to return to when I have more time, as the cuttings I have located primarily tackle the immediate aftermath of the original broadcast…)

Ken Loach won a Craft award for Drama for his work in directing Up the Junction at the Guild of Television Producers and Directors in 1966-7. A feature-film was subsequently made; this was directed by Peter Collinson – just before The Italian Job (1969) – and written by Roger Smith, of Wednesday Play fame. This BHE Films production was distributed by Paramount Pictures and ran just under two hours. It was passed for release by the BBFC with an X certificate on 15 September 1967. A 2008 Paramount DVD release attained a 12 for ‘moderate language, sex references and abortion theme’. The film was apparently a commercial success, but received mixed critical notices.

The play was cemented even more in the national consciousness when London band Squeeze recorded ‘Up the Junction’, inspired by and which alluded to the Wednesday Play, released as single on 18 May 1979, two weeks after Margaret Thatcher’s Tories won the general election. Thus, it quickly assumed a mood of nostalgia for Swinging mid-Sixties Britain, unquestionably a time of some optimism in comparison to 1979-84, when the Second Cold War, the Afghanistan War, theocracy in Iran, Thatcher’s cruel capitalist restoration and dread at nuclear war were all experienced.

I haven’t the time to do a full survey of the extensive academic coverage the play received. Julian Petley noted how Worsley’s critique of the play’s blending of fact and fiction directly echoed that old BBC force Grace Wyndham Goldie’s attacks on Peter Watkins’s The War Game in the Sunday Telegraph (in McKnight (ed.), Agent of Challenge and Defiance: The Films of Ken Loach, 1997, p. 28). The most extensive coverage is in John Caughie (2000, pp. 114-20), Jacob Leigh 2002: 39-46 and John Hill (2011, pp. 36-50).

Idiotically, the BBC Four repeat on Wednesday 18 January 2025 was prefaced by the announcer claiming Dennis Waterman and Maureen Lipman were in it, getting haplessly confused with Peter Collinson’s 1968 film version.

Finally, we must return to what this play says about how times were changing. Christopher Bray put it very well, about 1965:

And so while over the succeeding half century our culture has fallen prey to sporadic outbursts of censoriousness, the people of Britain have shown no interest in undoing the good, liberating work of 1965. They know there is no going back to that mythical vision of a world before the fall. And they know that anyone who imagines he can take them back needs watching very carefully. (op. cit., p. 245)

— Many thanks to John Williams for supplying the 100 press cuttings (yes, 100 exactly!) that made the extent of this article possible. Thanks also go to Juliette Jones for professional transcription of my interview with Linda McCarthy, and to Linda McCarthy herself for spending time talking with me.

If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂

Exploring The Wednesday Play’s Legacy At 60 – 03:01: ‘Alice’ (BBC1, 13 October 1965)

The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), It’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.

This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all Wednesday Plays up to the end of 1965, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without textual analysis. A selected number of plays from 1966-1970 will be covered.

03.01: Alice (BBC One, Wednesday 13 October 1965) 9:05 – 10:20pm
Directed by Gareth Davies; Written by Dennis Potter; Lewis Carroll (books); Produced by James MacTaggart; Designed by Michael Wield; Music by Peter Greenwell

A relatively rare front page Radio Times feature for The Wednesday Play or Play for Today…

The play, set in the Oxford of 100 years ago, started slowly with a long sequence of shots of college architecture which led me to expect that John Betjeman would walk in and tell us all about it. Unfortunately he did not. (Western Daily Press, 14 October 1965, p. 7).

I’m fascinated, with Dodgson, how considerable art can come from repression. (Dennis Potter in 1983, speaking of his film Dreamchild; cited in Humphrey Carpenter, 1998, p. 177).

Welcome back! Series 3 of The Wednesday Play was coming into being as The Wednesday Thriller – which I didn’t bother assessing – was airing over the summer ‘break’. As Ian Greaves, David Rolinson and John Williams’s excellent endnotes to their collection of Potter’s non-fiction clarify, location material was shot from 21-28 August 1965, while studio dates fell on 14-16 September 1965 (Dennis Potter: The Art of Invective – Selected Non-Fiction 1953-94, 2015, p. 338). According to Humphrey Carpenter (1998, p. 158), writer Dennis Potter, already highly prolific, was paid £750 for Alice, a play centring on Charles Dodgson and the Liddell family and their influence on his creation – as Lewis Carroll – of Alice in Wonderland a century ago.

The first mention in press cuttings I’ve located concerning Alice predates the shoot: noting that John Saunders would be appearing as the March Hare ‘in a play dealing with the life of Lewis Carroll’ (The Stage and Television Today, 5 August 1965, p. 11). The Radio Times billing was to indicate that Thornton was played by John Steiner, who ‘appears by permission of the Royal Shakespeare Theatre Company’ (7 October 1965, page unclear).

Dennis Potter’s play was to tell the story of how Charles Dodgson ‘came to write his classic’ Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (1865); this preview claims the Oxford don ‘came alive […] IN THE company of the little girl to whom he told stories’, but who ‘”died” a little in the shadows of his lonely room’ (Liverpool Echo, 9 October 1965, p. 2). Previewer Ken Hankins termed Dodgson ‘a strangely complex personality’, in a play which opens a season of 13, starting George Baker as Dodgson and Deborah Watling as Alice (Peterborough Evening Telegraph, 9 October 1965, page unclear).

Glasgow’s Daily Record‘s basic preview claimed the scene ‘is set with a rowing boat sailing slowly down the river’, as stuttering clergyman Dodgson tells Alice his tales (13 October 1965, p. 15). The Hartlepool Northern Daily Mail also featured a – different – photo of Rosalie Crutchley, playing Mrs. Liddell, looking imposing with her long, serious face (13 October 1965, p. 3). The Staffordshire Evening Sentinel was one of two West Midlands papers to note that the previous Wednesday Play series reached an average audience of 7.5 million, while previewing this new play, set in 1860s Oxford: ‘a gentle story’ dealing with ‘the anguish behind the magic’ (13 October 1965, p. 6). This preview also claims that director Gareth Davies ‘took his camera to Oxford to capture the lyrical authenticity of an England at peace with itself’ (ibid.).

Geoff Lane noted how The Wednesday Play’s previous series’ audiences were ‘well outside the normal catchment for straight drama’, though that despite this success, he found the season ‘a hotch-potch, lacking any overall theme or direction’ (Wolverhampton Express and Star, 13 October 1965, p. 11). Notably, Lane claims the 13 new plays are ‘designed to appeal to all tastes’, having ‘a common approach to life, that of the documentary’ – surely emphasising Tony Garnett’s fresh input (ibid.).

Garnett, the strand’s story editor, noted how excited he and others in the team were about the new series: ‘In office and pub, late into the night and through marathon weekends, I have enjoyed the company of a number of Britain’s most stimulating writers’, some new to TV, others previous Wednesday Play discoveries or established writers joining for the first time (Radio Times, 7 October 1965, p. 47). Garnett claimed ‘Each week will be a surprise’, given how ‘individual’ each writer is, and that, contrary to what Lane implies, ‘the series will not run to a set formula – pace, style, setting, and subject will vary from week to week’ (ibid.).

However, Garnett claims there are commonalities:

Whether we are in the year 1865 or 1970, in a mining village or an Oxford college, with an aristocrat or an astronaut, we shall try to face things as they really are. We are not in the wish-fulfilment business. We will try to show the real hopes and conflicts of some ordinary – and some extraordinary – people, honestly and directly (ibid.).

Garnett claims that they will need to break rules, and while not setting out to offend, ‘we may be provocative – but out of compassion that comes from a concern for human beings. We invite you to join us and hope you will be with us every Wednesday (ibid.). This is crucially hedged humanistic language, rather than confrontational Marxism: much likelier therefore to engage the average Radio Times reader.

Echoing Garnett, Geoff Lane’s preview (op. cit.) goes on:

The aim is to find the drama of real life, in the street and in the home; escapism and sentimentality will definitely be avoided by all the contributors. This does not mean a season of kitchen-sinks – the plays will be about extraordinary as well as ordinary people, and the settings may be historical.

Alice is one of these, delving ‘into the strange and contradictory circumstances’ in which Dodgson’s storytelling began (ibid.). Potter’s second Wednesday Play was promoted by a Radio Times front page photograph of Deborah Watling in the foreground with a blurry rustic landscape behind her (7 October 1965, p. 1). Watling, 17 when this was shot and broadcast, would later play another Victorian, Victoria Waterfield, as travelling companion of Patrick Troughton’s Second Doctor in Doctor Who in 1967-68.

Jack Bell in the Daily Mirror interviewed Potter, who was “a bit worried about how people will react. As a book, Alice seems to rank second only to the Bible. When we started recording some of the studio staff said that we shouldn’t do this to Dodgson, that we should leave him alone.” (13 October 1965, p. 18). Potter is said to show Dodgson as ‘a celibate – and repressed – clergyman with a bad stutter and a fear of women’; himself noting that Alice was the only ‘love’ of his life and that as she grew up; “his books deteriorated. And when she married an undergraduate, he gave up the one hobby he was good at, photography. He obviously suffered tremendous disappointment and rage.” (ibid.).

George Baker as Charles Dodgson

Potter based his play on Dodgson’s diaries, while Bell notes Mrs Liddell destroyed his letters to her daughter Alice; the playwright notes his subject “couldn’t stand talking to adult women” and was “a very prudish man who would storm out of the theatre if anything questionable was said on stage” (ibid.). Potter claims his aim was simply to “know more about the author” of “one of the best-written books ever.” (ibid.).

Tony Garnett noted how the play asked why Dodgson seems ‘so downcast in spirit, so anxious to cling to the moment?’ when he is with Alice, and that the answers are ‘moving and unexpected’ (op. cit.). He notes Potter’s ‘tenderness and understanding, bringing alive the public world of the Mad Hatter and the private world of its creator’, and how it will surprise those who have long loved the books, and ‘might move’ those who have dismissed them ‘as mere yarns designed to keep the children quiet’ (ibid.).

Before outlining my own responses to Alice, here is Dennis Potter expert John Cook’s interpretive commentary, inspired by watching the play again recently.

John Cook writes: On the surface, a period drama, set amongst the sleepy Oxford spires of one hundred years earlier, hardly seems to have been the most appropriate way to kick off the 1965 run of The Wednesday Play following its summer break.  This was about as far from ‘agitational contemporaneity’ – the words Head of BBC TV Drama Sydney Newman would later use in the press to characterise the overall tone of The Wednesday Play slot – as you could possibly get.  But look closer and one sees the challenge and the provocation underlying the comfortable period surroundings and the cut-glass accents – that ‘authentic lump of white gristle’ (The Sun, 15 February 1968) lurking within the evening’s bland TV viewing which Dennis Potter would come to prize about The Wednesday Play. 

For at the heart of Potter’s second transmitted TV play is a worry: was one of the greatest works of imagination in the history of English literature really the product of a closet paedophile ? Here, the play walks a careful knife-edge both in terms of scripting and performance.  Was the Reverend Charles L Dodgson, real-life Lewis Carroll, simply an odd eccentric of the Victorian age – a man who wished to arrest time ?  Perhaps this is the reason why, in the play, he loves to capture little girls through photography before they change and grow up and why he rails against any modernisation to his beloved Christ Church College, Oxford, where he has spent his life as a mathematics tutor.  Or is there something darker?  Why does Dodgson talk about ‘marriage’ at one point in the play with ten year old Alice Liddell, daughter of the Dean of Christ Church college and real-life model for his ‘Alice’ in Alice in Wonderland?

And why does Alice’s mother worry so much about the relationship she burns Dodgson’s many letters to her daughter?  Is there a hidden darkness beneath Dodgson’s visions of the ‘wonderland’ of childhood?  Or is it the so-called ‘adult’ world which is the dark place, with its constant suspicions and instant judgments about the behaviours and motives of others who in the end are simply different?  The key line of the play is when Mrs Liddell stares out of her window at night, her image reflected back in the window pane, and says she has never liked to look from a lighted room into the dark because the reflection comes between you and the dark outside: ‘You have to be in the dark yourself to see into the black out there’.     

These were themes disturbing and uncomfortable for 1965 – even more so now.  This is why Alice (in spite of some dated aspects to direction and performance, especially the realisation of the fantasy scenes from Alice in Wonderland) remains an affecting play to watch here. It is best viewed alongside Potter’s feature film Dreamchild (dir.: Gavin Millar, 1985), which was released almost exactly twenty years later. Here, Potter revisited the events from Alice but this time from the perspective of Alice Liddell when, as an eighty year old, she sails to America in 1932 to receive an honorary degree from Columbia University in recognition of being the inspiration for Alice in Wonderland but who through this process finds herself troubled by the same dark adult suspicions about whether Dodgson’s intentions for her were really ‘pure’.  In the course of the film, the elderly Alice has to take a journey inside her own memories and Dodgson’s imagination (via scenes from Alice in Wonderland expertly recreated by Jim Henson’s Creatures Workshop) to try to find some answers and gain some form of emotional closure.  This she succeeds in doing, finally realising at the end that Dodgson’s work was indeed created out of a genuine innocent love for her as a gift to ensure her immortality.   

Written twenty years earlier, in a splurge of creativity as he seized his newly discovered ‘vocation’ as a television playwright (notebooks in the Potter Archive show contemporaneous drafting with Stand Up, Nigel Barton), Alice therefore looks forward to and foreshadows many of the major themes that would later come to define Dennis Potter as a writer: the worlds of fantasy and non-naturalism; the interrelations between life and fiction; childhood and innocence but also the spectre of adult sexual abuse out of that innocence. Already, Alice seethes with these themes in ways that might have made it seem odd and uncharacteristic to those at the time who had previously seen Potter as principally a writer of political and social critique but which seem wholly characteristic and in keeping now. 

Now, for my assessment of the play…

Rating: *** 1/2

This immerses you in Charles Dodgson’s distinctly unusual life and times, with a clear sense of a modernistic but nuanced 1965 lens on distant oddities and fundamental clashes – childhood/adulthood; tradition/change. Potter’s drama enables regular moments of excruciating awkwardness, making it clear how Dodgson’s stammer and his sexual repression (as according to the 1930s Freudian revisionist view of him, anyway) made him both apart from and a part of Victorian society.

The play goes a bit further than may seem wise in suggesting that he is repressing paedophilic urges towards Alice, given that evidence actually suggests he was attracted to adult women, but his socially conservative family subsequently excised these elements from his diaries, matching his own prudishness which Potter dramatised here. However, playwrights ought to have dramatic licence to portray long dead real people in whatever way they deem necessary, and Potter – himself a victim of sexual abuse in childhood – creates an unsettling, complexly ambiguous and fraught portrayal of a situation. Dodgson may be perceived to be doing good by sublimating his sexuality into his work; for once, Victorian hypocrisies and inhibitions helping. Or, he may simply be innocent in his intentions.

Overall, it remains a mystery exactly what his feelings were – and his sexuality – and it seems a total fool’s errand to use his photography as relevant ‘evidence’, given it was a standard Victorian aesthetic practice to – bizarrely to us today – feature nude children in Christmas cards and the like. A contested 2015 BBC documentary seems to have been blinded by Yewtree era hysteria in perceiving what was unlikely to be there, playing credence in one particular image which there’s no evidence is even linked with Dodgson.

Potter incisively portrays social frostiness and the Liddells’ well-to-do distant family life as being just as strange as Dodgson, himself termed “a rum sort” and “a loony” at different points. It’s made implicitly clear that Rosalie Crutchley’s mother is an influence on Dodgson for the Queen of Hearts – relating to his oddly possessive view of Alice – yet we also sympathise with her sensitivity to what might be really going on, and her loneliness, with her husband utterly mired in dulling habits. Her husband, the Dean Liddell, also brilliantly played by the excellent David Langton, is deeply attuned to the institutional politics of Oxford University, and advances a nominally “progressive” view, favouring changes to buildings and infrastructural improvements. This is admirable in context, compared with Dodgson’s utterly stubborn desire that nothing ever changes: wanting time pickled in aspic. But the Dean’s lack of attentiveness to his wife and daughters seems utterly arrogant and detached: symbolising the Victorian man of public affairs whose private sphere is simply an appendage.

The climactic picnic by the lake scene is devastatingly well written and played, revealing the diseased social imagination of practically all characters gathered. One of the young men, seemingly interested in the Liddell daughters, develops Alice’s scornful attitude to Irish labourers in an especially nasty vein. Alice herself finds this highly amusing and joins in with this gauche, venomous banter.

A conventionally rum ‘un!

Lorina is markedly more sympathetic in criticising them, but even this is merely from the perspective that their ‘Oirish’ impressions are not technically good.

Lorina Liddell (Tessa Wyatt)

The mother here shows how she has influenced her daughters’ social prejudices, part of the adult world that indeed deserves critique and needs remedy. Dodgson then stumbles pitifully through ‘The Mock Turtle’s Dance’: Potter’s drama clarifying how adrift he is in his innocence, and making you feel for him more than if the family and male posho hangers-on had been expressing a more refined worldly outlook. For me, this scene’s portrayal of Dodgson’s abashed innocence overrides the ambiguous darker hints elsewhere to strongly imply he is not a paedophile.

Overall, the effect is to show how they are all adrift in different ways. It does not need directly communicating how these idle rich prattlers are clearly offering much less that is socially useful than, say, Irish navvy labourers who built the UK’s railways.

Dodgson, too, is clearly made to seem a distant out-of-touch Tory in bemoaning anything “mechanical”, including trains – where he unhappily resides at the play’s bookending scenes – and seems implacably opposed to any changes that may make lives easier for the majority, or even update existing Oxford architecture. The way he speaks to the labourer on the ladder is absurdly offhand, showing the ingrained entitlement of his class, however awkwardly expressed.

Potter therefore satirises the whole of Oxford society, especially these principals, as staid and apt influences for Carroll’s gallery of nonsense-spouting, hidebound animals in Alice in Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass. He indicates that Carroll’s genius was in how Dodgson keenly observed patterns of behaviour and speech around him, and then converted them into entertaining, eccentric fantasy. He also shows how Carroll’s storytelling was, implicitly – perhaps unknown to Dodgson himself – self-critical: a queasy, yet necessary, outlet for a brilliant, but restless and addled mind marooned in childlike innocence and disturbed by changes in the material and intellectual worlds.

Gareth Davies, Potter’s customary director in the 1960s, handles the drama subtly. There are relatively long takes with necessary, occasional close-ups and camera movement, and the mise-en-scene displays Baker’s, Watling’s, Langton’s and Crutchley’s performances to best advantage.

Ibsenite naturalism, domestic gloom…

The latter pair’s distant domestic scene – where she burns Dodgson’s letters – is textbook Ibsenite naturalist staging rendered carefully clear to TV viewers. Editing is occasionally used with stylistic force, as when Dodgson expresses a rare, odd joy when he has sorted out his present to Alice (which he never gives, it being superseded by his gift of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland to her). The very abrupt cut from his glee has a harsh dissonance which mirrors, and further underscores, the play’s initial view of Dodgson’s suppressed urges.

I’d say, overall, this is a curiously overlooked play, absent from Wednesday Play canons, perhaps due to how it is extremely wince-making, comparably even to Abigail’s Party and The Office, but depicting a world far stranger and more temporally distant. This is one of Potter’s complex and intelligent dissections of the lines between an individual’s creative labour and their own lives. While it initially seems on the side of the 1930s revisionist view of Dodgson – which may have been Freudian projections of what was not there, or unlikely to be – it carefully does not preclude other interpretations, and indeed I am finally convinced of Dodgson’s innocence, even if he is an infuriating personage!

Fundamentally, Alice is also yet another Wednesday Play which undermines heroic myths. It also forwards a bleak view of Victorian life in Oxford at that time, exposing social coldness and distance, and how those favouring progress and those against it were both marred by their vast blind spots, domestically and publicly. It makes clear how the boat excursion where Dodgson first creates fantasy stories was a necessary historic moment, initiating one of the most powerfully surreal stories ever fashioned. Thus, while it is rather scathing about Dodgson as a man, Potter’s play pays tribute to his art – even if the extracts from it are a tad underpowered, and the play’s only main weakness.

Best performance: ROSALIE CRUTCHLEY

A brilliant lonely monologue, evoking King Lear and Samuel Beckett in its invocation of “nothing”

The playing is really well-judged throughout. As Dodgson, George Baker gives a performance of tremulous discomfort and headstrong priggishness. It must have been a tough ask to play, but he does an excellent job of evoking a strange, precious, precise and painfully upright middle-aged man, who is – rightly or wrongly in biographical terms – suffering from some form of arrested development.

Deborah Watling and Tessa Wyatt convey the performative Victorian ideal of young womanhood. David Langton is floridly confident and genial, anticipating his Upstairs, Downstairs character Richard Bellamy – his voice barely different – while also expertly enacting the Dean’s obliviousness and carelessness. Billy Russell has a grizzled charm early on as a working-class gardener.

Overall, I have to award it to Rosalie Crutchley, who ranges from blank Brechtian non-playing and Pinteresque elision to icy strength and brittle social callousness. Her performance is only mentioned by one of the many TV critics who assessed the play (none of them mention Langton!).

Best line: “Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland… [sighs] With inadequate drainage, no doubt…” (Dean Liddell).

David Langton delivers this very line

Audience size: 5.69 million

Share of overall TV viewing audience: 37.7%

The opposition: BBC-2 (New Release / The Vintage Years of Hollywood: The Bank Dick [1940]), ITV (News / Cliff and the Shadows / The House on the Beach)

Audience Reaction Index: 62%

Reviewed in London press publications consulted:

Reception: Broadly very positive, by the press in and outside London: one of the best received Wednesday Plays so far. One or two took more of an aversion to the unsavoury representation of Dodgson’s infatuation with Alice, but more tended to see this as an emotional attachment overstepping the mark. Viewers were also largely positive, but with some reservations.

An anonymous critic noted an attempt to ‘penetrate the world of the awkward, starting, puritanical mathematics don who called himself Lewis Carroll’ and was shown as ‘aware of but unreconciled to time’ in his too deep attachment to Alice Liddell (Times, 14 October 1965, p. 16). They perceptively described ‘a sad, sometimes painfully embarrassing play’, of ‘desolate power’ with Baker’s ‘bravura’ performance insisting ‘that the viewer squirmed with him’ (ibid.). They also acclaimed how Potter used Lorina’s climactic reading from Alice in Wonderland as ‘a singularly courageous piece of writing’ in context: emphasising Dodgson becoming reconciled to Alice growing into adolescence (ibid.).

Peter Black described a seemingly new Wednesday Play title sequence, which he felt was totally ‘incongruous’ in its contemporaneity to Potter’s ‘dramatised feature’ which followed (Daily Mail, 14 October 1965, p. 3). Black loved ‘the authentic magic’ of the dramatised excerpts from Carroll’s Alice… books, but felt the play lacked ‘tenderness and understanding’, with Alice compared to Lolita and Dodgson not emerging as credibly human (ibid.). He also felt that Oxford as depicted didn’t feel like it had a wider life beyond the ‘persons of the drama’ (ibid.). However, Black liked the ‘unexpected touch of wit’ in Maurice Hedley’s performance as Mr. Macmillan, the publisher, ‘got up to bear a striking likeness to his grandson, Harold’ Macmillan (ibid.).

Mary Crozier saw how Potter’s tale underlined Dodgson’s ‘sadness’, noting she would have liked more of his stories’ ‘absolute logic and conviction’, to leave a ‘heavy’ narrative of ‘loneliness’ (Guardian, 14 October 1965, p. 9). In contrast to Black, Crozier found it ‘sensitive and imaginative’, aided by ‘excellent photography’, with George Baker making Carroll ‘touching’ (ibid.). Crozier found Watling overly ‘mature’, like many juvenile leads at this time, while it was ‘odd’ how a rowing boat remained stationary as Carroll told his tale in 1862, though, overall director Davies ‘secured a quiet, unhurried mood’ (ibid.).

Lyn Lockwood would have liked more probing of Dodgson’s psychological ‘make-up’, feeling the dissolves into Alice in Wonderland extracts ‘intruded upon the mood that was being created’ (Daily Telegraph, 14 October 1965, p. 18). Yet, Lockwood felt the end sequence had ‘the spirit of melancholy, the atmosphere of time gone beyond recall’, being ‘beautifully and completely caught’ (ibid.). She felt Baker got much greater opportunity to act than usual, and regarded Watling’s performance as ‘charming’ (ibid.).

Sunday coverage included Maurice Richardson, who perceived that Dodgson’s ‘passion’ for Alice ‘appears to have been more or less sublimated’ (Observer, 17 October 1965, p. 25). Thus, he questioned Potter’s portrayal of Dodgson’s ‘barely repressed, volcanically smouldering paedophilia’, and Watling’s Alice being so ‘preposterously nubile and provocative that it was poor old Dodgson who stood in need of care and protection’ (ibid.). Richardson felt that Baker struggled manfully with his part, but that it wasn’t a ‘very happy exercise in documentary reconstruction’: ‘a desperate cloud of telly-vulgarity hung heavy’, and it was a misstep to include the scenes from the book (ibid.). However, he did like the interview scene between Carroll and Macmillan (ibid.).

While Maurice Wiggin didn’t see all the play, he felt able to express that “everyone” had found it beautiful and it was, with Baker’s Dodgson ‘one of those fully imaginative possessions, or re-possessions, which haunt the memory’ (Sunday Times, 17 October 1965, p. 49).

The play was quite widely reviewed outside London. Argus found it something ‘new, surprising and different’, fulfilling the strand’s promise via a ‘mature and moving drama’ (Glasgow Daily Record, 14 October 1965, p. 17). ‘It was juvenile yet sophisticated; profound yet fairy-like. A magnificent play which would have appealed equally to fans of “Watch With Mother” or followers of “BBC-3.” (ibid.). This most glowing review needed with a claim that, if this BBC quality was maintained, ‘ATV’s drama section will have something to worry about’ (ibid.).

Peggy Philips thought Alice a ‘beautifully written examination’ of Dodgson and the Liddells, with the script having ‘outstanding verbal precision’ and ‘poetry’ (The Scotsman, 14 October 1965, p. 7). The acting added to an ‘enthralling play, rich in sympathetic insight’:

going far beyond the dingy psychoanalytical into a personal tragedy which, contrary to the publisher’s estimate of “Alice in Wonderland,” was shown to be indeed “distilled out of some private agony.”

Philips saw Alice’s ‘brisk, unwitting cruelty that springs from a child’s innocent and careless view of adults’, with the play clarifying that ‘the tormented Mr Dodgson subconsciously avenged his wounds by making her so very disagreeable a little girl’ (ibid.). I would add that she is highly disagreeable already: in the climactic scene by the lake! In a highly positive end, Philips expects the Wednesday Play to ‘get a considerable audience’ if this standard is maintained (ibid.).

N.G.P. acclaimed its ‘strange, elusive sort of beauty’, noting Dodgson’s alternations between charm and ‘sudden moods of sulky silence or explosions of rage’ – and praised Baker and Watling as skilled and perfect interpreters. (Liverpool Echo, 14 October 1965, p. 3). In contrast to Richardson’s interpretation of clearly paedophilic urges, they felt it was ‘an “I wonder” rather than “I suspect”‘ scenario (ibid.).

K.H. found Baker’s performance the ‘highlight’, in a ‘revealing account of bitter-sweet moments’ in Dodgson’s life; a ‘skilful production, directed with a sensitive touch and played with sincerity by a talented cast’ (Peterborough Evening Telegraph, 14 October 1965, p. 2).

Peter Forth felt Deborah Watling was too old and a deliberately ‘flirtatious young miss rather than the innocent but forthright child who crossed swords with the March Hare and Humpty Dumpty’ (Western Daily Press, 14 October 1965, p. 7). Forth found Dodgson unappealing, ‘swinging between outright rudeness and a sugary kindliness when talking to the little girls’, with his ‘Long stares at Alice’ imparting an unsavoury ‘infatuation’ (ibid.). Backing Richardson’s interpretation, Forth felt Rosalie Crutchley’s mother’s suspicions were well-founded, though overall, felt the play was ‘Too slow, too long and very much too clever’ (ibid.).

Omnes regarded Alice as a ‘most sympathetic’ telling of the story behind Carroll’s masterwork, with Baker giving a ‘finely tuned in portrayal’, though the clips from the book again came in for stick (Huddersfield Daily Examiner, 16 October 1965, p. 5). Omnes felt there needed to more of these sequences to lighten the play’s heavy tone, or none at all, not the few we get (ibid.). In contrast to other readings of Watling’s Alice as a Lolita, she is ‘charmingly ingenuous’, and the play held out high hopes for the new Wednesday Play run (ibid.).

Geoffrey Lane found it a ‘moving, sometimes beautiful and often painful experience’ to watch (Wolverhampton Express and Star, 16 October 1965, p. 14). Again rather countering Richardson and Forth’s reading, he felt there was no ‘sexual innuendo and psychological booby-traps’, noting it was ‘too deep an emotional attachment to a child’ (ibid.). Lane acclaimed Baker’s ‘performance of brilliance and conviction’, highlighting his moments of ‘sudden eagerness’ as ‘striking’ and the great scene where he extemporised on Twinkle, Twinkle, Little Star (ibid.). Lane found the dramatised extracts from the novel as unfunny, slow and lacking in wit, but like a fair few other critics, liked the Oxford settings in the play’s main sections (ibid.). Oddly, he noted Alice’s ‘charm and coltish grace’, comparing her to a horse (ibid.).

The play had an impact, even for those who missed it! Elgin’s The Northern Scot and Moray and Nairn Express included correspondence with Mrs Georgie Christie of Blackhills, Lhanbryd, grand-niece of Dodgson, who was disappointed to have missed the play when it was on (16 October 1965, p. 6). Christie notes her father once met Carroll and she has letters she wrote to him, also recalling the actress Nancy Price gifted to her and her sister when children ‘the baby pig’ used in a London stage production of Alice in Wonderland (ibid.).

Alice elicited a relatively strong RI of 62, above mean averages for any overall Wednesday Play series, perhaps reflecting the popularity both of Carroll’s classic writing and of TV period dramas in general – the phrase ‘period charm’ appears in the audience report, oddly considering my own interpretation of its Victorian gloom and human awkwardness (VR/65/570). A critical mass of viewers acclaimed its ‘great sensitivity’ and its portrayal of ‘the background to the famous story [was] most appealing’, with Potter painting ‘a perceptive and moving portrait of the central figure’ Charles Dodgson (ibid.).

A fairly sizeable minority departed from this broadly ‘cordial response’. Funnily enough, a few are said to have never even liked Carroll’s classic, while other purportedly serious adults sneeringly felt the subject was hardly ‘stimulating fare for adults’ (ibid.). Most interestingly, others criticised Potter’s play as it was overly disturbing given their ‘fond recollections’ of Carroll’s tales: they found Dodgson a ‘tragic clown’ and felt ‘his attachment to the young girl seemed over-emphasised [which made] it rather unpleasant, and although known to be odd, he appeared altogether too eccentric almost foolish’; one viewer is quoted: ‘I cannot believe “Lewis Carroll” was such an inane person’ (ibid.).

Most viewers admired the acting, though a few echoed pro-realist press critiques that Deborah Watling ‘appeared too mature, modern and sophisticated’ – odd, considering Potter’s skilled depiction of her stereotypical prejudices in the climactic scene! (ibid.) Impressively, a fair few viewers had ‘special praise’ for Rosalie Crutchley’s portrayal; while there was a divided response to the acted scenes from Alice in Wonderland, many found them enjoyable, also liking the make-up (ibid.). Overall, the play and its production was broadly enjoyed, with settings and scenery aptly enabling one viewer’s immersion:

one could imagine oneself back in that era (ibid.).

Jonathan Miller’s remarkable Alice in Wonderland (BBC One, 28 December 1966) received a more ‘bi-modal’ reception, gaining an RI of 57 on its original broadcast and then an even more divided response of 50 when repeated in the late afternoon on Sunday 2 April 1967 (BBC WAC, VR/66/727 & VR/67/220).

In the Sunday Mirror, a Mrs C.M. Carter of London, SW17, wrote in to assert that she had been a maid, 58 years back, in the house next door to where Rev. Dodgson lived with his two maiden sisters in Guildford, Surrey (17 October 1965, p. 22). Carter claimed he ‘always’ carried a bag of sweets to give to every child he met, and how she ‘never thought then that his book would live on all these years after he had gone’ (ibid.).

J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd. advertised a new edition of both books to mark the centenary of Carroll’s classic, noting how Potter’s play had provided ‘some staggering publicity’ (Bookseller, 16 October 1965, p. 1868).

Subsequently, the play was repeated on BBC One on Wednesday 6 July 1966 at 9pm, up against a Bob Hope comedy feature-film, Nothing But the Truth (1941) on BBC Two and Dickie Valentine and Cilla Black on ITV. The Daily Mirror listings termed Carroll ‘an unhappy, lonely, eccentric figure’ (6 July 1966, p. 14). Well before the film Dreamchild, which John Cook highlighted, Alice was adapted for radio by Derek Hoddinott and transmitted on the BBC World Service on 17 June 1979, and later surfaced on BBC Radio 4 on 28 November 1979 under the Afternoon Theatre umbrella (Greaves, Rolinson & Williams eds. op. cit.).

If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you.🙂

Exploring The Wednesday Play’s Legacy At 60 – 01.08: ‘First Love’ (BBC1, 16 December 1964)

The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), I feel it’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.

This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all existing plays up to Cathy, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without full textual analysis.

01.08: First Love (BBC One, 16 December 1964) 9:25 – 10:50pm

Directed by Mario Prizek; Written by Ivan Turgenev (novella – 1860), adapted by George Salverson; Produced by Mario Prizek; Designed by Nikolai Solovyov; Music by John Coulson.

This second CBC production in the first Wednesday Play run adapted a novella by Ivan Turgenev (1818-1883), classed in some press coverage as a ‘short story’. Ontario, Canada-born George Salverson (1916-2005) adapted Turgenev’s narrative, and would later write a CBC Play for Today, The Write-Off (1970).

It’s a second Wednesday Play to be set in 1800s Russia. It concerns a chance encounter in Moscow between Princess Zinaida (Heather Sears) and the younger Vladimir Rostov (Richard Monette); Rostov discovers the difference between infatuation and love.

Heather Sears and Richard Monette in First Love (1964)

There have been at least 5-10 different screen versions of First Love, including Paul Joyce and Derek Mahon’s Summer Lightning (1985) for Channel 4 and RTÉ. Turgenev had moderate liberal reformist politics, opposing more radical right or left currents, and was a Westerniser rather than a Slavophile, wanting modernisation of Russia, influenced by his ties to French writer Gustave Flaubert.

Several of the previews emphasised British actor Heather Sears (1935-1994) as the ‘star’ with mention of her appearance in ‘notable’ films like Room at the Top (1959) and Sons and Lovers (1960) (Coventry Evening Telegraph, 16 December 1964, p. 2). A fascinating link with cinema history goes unmentioned: set designer Nikolai Solovyov (1910-1976) had been art director on Sergei M. Eisenstein’s Alexander Nevsky (1938) decades earlier.

The day before, Peter Watkins’s Culloden was broadcast on BBC1, reaching 7.84 million viewers: who were impressed by its trenchant, immersive docudrama, gaining a 67 RI. Watkins and Culloden are crucial to analyse as part of 1960s cultural radicalism, alongside Joan Littlewood, Ewan MacColl and Ken Loach in particular.

Like the previous CBC production and also their two plays shown in the Play for Today slot (1970-71), this could well exist in Canadian archives, but isn’t accessible to me to see, so I am only able to report on the reception.

Audience size: 5.88 million

The TAM rating of 3.12 million households equates to a probable 6.86 million (Television Today, 7 January 1965, p. 19), which is more in line with my expectation of higher TAM figures per se.

Share of overall TV viewing audience: 48% (ITV 52%)

The opposition: BBC2 (The Likely Lads: ‘Entente Cordiale’/Newsroom; Weather/Rostropovich & Richter Play Beethoven), ITV (It’s Tarbuck/Great Temples of the World 1 – San Marco/Wrestling)

Audience Reaction Index: 55%

Reviewed in London press publications consulted: [To be calculated later; lower than average!]

Reception: Fairly scant and mixed reaction from critics; audience very similarly mixed, for once!

Gerald Larner was bumptiously patriotic in decrying this ‘bad’ Canadian production, feeling cheated not to see a BBC-made play: ‘We see enough old films without switching on the Wednesday play’ (Guardian, 17 December 1964, p. 7). This was ‘an old-fashioned cinema-style film’ with cliched flashbacks, echoed whispers of youthful memory, ‘cigarette “ad” background music’ and double exposure of a moonlit garden (ibid.). Larner did appreciate Sears’s performance which captured Zinaida’s underlying ‘nastiness’ and sadism (ibid.)

Lyn Lockwood rather agreed, feeling the short story too slender for a 90 minute play, and a sub-passable production lacked atmosphere (Daily Telegraph, 17 December 1964, p. 15). She concluded that Sears and Monette ‘did their best with the sinful characters [but] it was unrewarding, uphill going all the way’ (ibid.).

Contrarily, the Times‘ anonymous reviewer admitted a ‘lyrical’ play, which kept its symbolism under control unlike Pale Horse, Pale Rider (17 December 1964, p. 14). They praised Monette’s ‘truthful and touching’ performance of the 16 year old boy within an ensemble which ‘maintained the proper elegant grace’ (ibid.). There’s an interesting point that so much “realist” writing from 19th century Russia conveys ‘a society destroying itself through the pursuit of personal satisfactions’, with ‘useless’ people ‘because they have no function’ (ibid.).

Conveying a definite 50/50 split in opinion, John Russell Taylor saw it as ‘a pleasant surprise, managing to evoke the atmosphere of Turgenev’s delicate story with great skill and style’ and appreciated how Sears was given scope to break away from the ‘pure English-rose characterisation’ she’d been stuck with since Room at the Top (The Listener, 31 December 1964, p. 1065).

In the sole review I’ve located* from outside London, F.G. simply called it ‘an exceptional production’ with Sears being ‘admirably backed by the Canadian cast’ (Belfast Telegraph, 17 December 1964, p. 11).

The audience was somewhat lukewarm, as shown in a RI of 55, seven below the average for all TV dramas in the first half of 1964 and below most Wednesday Plays so far (BBC WAC, VR/64/673). About a third of viewers admired its sensitivity and poignancy, but rather more agreed with the British Council Officer for whom, ‘there was not quite enough meat in this one for my taste’ (ibid.).

While the acting and production were admired, with ‘period authenticity’ achieved, it was too slow paced for some, and

Several viewers indicated that plays of this kind (in their opinion, wordy, dreary and introspective, ‘typically Russian’ in fact) were decidedly less welcome on their screens than contemporary drama.

Reaching the end of our first run of Wednesday Plays, John Russell Taylor’s reflections on the single play itself are striking, in this his final column before handing over to Frederick Laws. Taylor, one of the more perceptive critics of a largely appreciative bunch, asks for more 50 minute and 120-150 minute plays, feeling the Wednesday Play’s 75 minute ‘average’ is ‘an awkward compromise (op. cit.). He argues there is ‘no substitute’ for individual plays, so is dismayed by their reduction in number since BBC2 started:

the fact remains that individual drama spits are the real growing-point of television, the goal for writers, directors, and across without which they are likely to be (and feel) deadeningly confined to routine and hack-work (ibid.)

Interestingly, Sydney Newman admitted to Allan Prior that there had been a shortage of plays due to studio space being used in summer 1964 for pre-recordings to stockpile series like Sherlock Holmes and Dr. Finlay’s Casebook (Television Today, 10 December 1964, p. 11). When Prior presses Newman about losing the ‘top prestige drama hour’ Sunday play slot, he says it doesn’t matter, as Wednesday Plays will follow Z Cars and the news (ibid.). He claims he’s on the side and the writer and assures Prior that:

There’ll be no shortage of plays on BBC from now on. (ibid.)

He’d earlier promised 26 75-minute plays on every Wednesday night in the new year. Prior, of the Screen Writers’ Guild, ends with shrewd reflections:

I also believe that Sydney Newman is a better politician than most people give him credit for. He is not new to the Organisation ploy. He may get his way, yet.

We can only wait and see. (ibid.)

If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you. 🙂

*Many thanks go to John Williams for locating a good proportion of the press coverage for all nine plays discussed so far.

Exploring The Wednesday Play’s Legacy At 60 – 01.01: ‘A Crack in the Ice’ (BBC1, 28 October 1964)

The Wednesday Play (1964-70, or 1965-70) was a landmark BBC drama series, following ITV’s lead with Armchair Theatre (ABC & Thames, 1956-74) in amplifying working-class voices. Canadian migrant Sydney Newman, from a working-class background, spearheaded both initiatives. After completing a Ph.D. on The Wednesday Play’s successor, Play for Today (BBC1, 1970-84), I feel it’s time to grapple with the legacy of its predecessor in greater depth.

This series of posts commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of The Wednesday Play while exploring its diverse output beyond justly celebrated works like Up the Junction (1965) and Cathy Come Home (1966). I plan to watch and reflect on all existing plays up to Cathy, supported by research. Missing plays will still be covered, but without full textual analysis.

01.01: A Crack in the Ice (BBC One, Wednesday 28 October 1964, 9:25pm – 10:50pm)

Directed by Ronald Eyre; Written by Ronald Eyre, dramatising Nikolai Leskov (short story – ‘The Sentry’, 1889), translated by David Magarshack; Produced by Peter Luke; Designed by Susan Spence; Music by Norman Kay.

Near the start of the play’s very mobile opening shot.

This first entry in the Wednesday Play, or at least which some think is the first (!), is a dramatisation of a short story by Russian writer Nikolai Leskov (1831-1895).1 And, unlike Catch As Catch Can, this one exists, so I can write about my thoughts and feelings from an informed, inevitably partial way. For all plays I can watch – or read an existing script of – I adopt a reductive Halliwell’s Film Guide-esque rating system, which may nevertheless be useful to capture my responses in relation to critics and audiences.

Leskov’s original short story, dating from 1889, was first published in the UK in the early 1920s. It concerns what is, on the surface, a good deed, but which opens up a can of worms in the heavily stratified Tsarist Russia of 1839 under Nicholas I. Private Polkinoff (Derek Newark here) is a sentry in the imperial Russian Army, guarding the Winter Palace in St Petersburg. One night, a drunken Peasant (Ray Mort) unwisely walks across an iced-over lake and falls through a crack in the ice.

Polkinoff saves the unnamed Peasant, but, in doing so, deserts his post and, amid the recriminations, is incarcerated in solitary confinement. Lt. Col. Svinin (Bill Fraser) fears that the social disgrace of what he perceives as Polnikoff’s temporary desertion and neglect of his duty will mean the end of his regiment, given the autocratic Tsar Nicholas’s volatility and current preoccupation with maintaining high levels of security.

Duplicitous Lt. Kirov (Jack May) pretends that he instead performed the deed and brazenly walks away with a medal, saving the Ismailovsky Regiment’s skin, while the unfortunate Polnikoff remains confined for four days. Svinin is smugly delighted with the providential way things have turned out, yet cruelly insists that Polnikoff receive the birch 200 times, and forces his underling in the officer class Captain Miller (Jack Maxwell) to oversee this process.

A coda, ambiguously affirming the worldly here-and-now over lofty ideals, features Polnikoff larking around with his comrades and uninterested in the liberal Miller’s desire that he receives a due reward for his heroic good deed.

Rating: *** / ****

While A Crack in the Ice felt slightly overextended, I enjoyed what was a pungent and intellectually absorbing brew. There’s a clear indictment of arbitrary power and hierarchy that seems especially absurd when dramatised. Lt. Col. Svinin sets out the importance of rank late on: Tsar, General, Lt. Colonel, Captain, Private…

Leskov’s politics feel elliptical and carefully submerged in a philosophical tale which allows viewers to take different interpretations. We end with Postnikov happily enjoying the material things of life, simply glad to be alive, whereas the one man with a liberal conscience, Captain Miller, wants a fairer outcome. The strange labyrinthine muddle of Russia’s various institutions (army, police, church, monarchy) produces an outcome which isn’t exactly good, but nor is it as bad as it could have been…

Therefore, while John Arden’s Serjeant Musgrave’s Dance (theatre – Royal Court, 1959; TV – Granada for ITV Play of the Week, 1961), John McGrath’s The Bofors Gun (theatre – 1966; film – 1968) and Kubrick’s Full Metal Jacket (1987) all initially came to mind, it communicates more stoicism and ambiguity than those broadly anti-war pieces. Polkinoff, soundly played by Newark, ends up as either a paragon of grounded, materialistic common sense, or, a haplessly gullible and deferential pawn in powerful people’s game, depending on your perspective…

Director Ronald Eyre, one of many at the BBC in the 1960s-70s who moved seamlessly between theatre and television, opts for many facial close ups, filling the small screen. There are some deft filmed inserts, amid a mainly multicamera studio production on video-tape. We see an array of art works attributed to the enigmatic ‘Signum’2 which brilliantly add an extra dimension, steering our emotional responses and directing us to imagine a larger canvas than the BBC studio could offer.



Richard Hurndall gives a clear RP voice over, 19 years before some expert pineapple munching when playing the First Doctor in Doctor Who. Hurndall’s authoritative narrative voice initially has the ring of a BBC newsreader or a sponsored documentary voice-over, while being an attempt to retain some of Leskov’s literary flavour.

There’s more music than a typical contemporary realist studio-based Play for Today, but less, say, than Doctor Who of this era, perhaps implying that the military sounding tunes are necessary to anchor the audience in familiar ground. However, the relative silence keeps the focus on the words and, in a significant moment, the sound of Church bells. Production design is by one of The Wednesday Play and Play for Today’s most prolific designers, Susan Spence, who does a solid job in creating spaces which reek of rank and privilege.

Eyre’s experimentalism in superimposing Signum’s art (left) alongside the moving images of Pte. Postnikov (right).

Significantly, all 18 performers in the cast are male. That means that precisely no women performers have appeared in the two plays in our story so far. It is realistic for this narrative to be performed by a hermetically sealed masculine group, given its portrayal of presumably male dominated institutions at this time in Russia. While I’d personally liked to have seen some women as part of this story, with its piercing of the bubble of “heroism”, we can admire how this drama exposes the closed world of men in power and the ridiculousness of hierarchy and delusions of grandeur.

Best performance: BILL FRASER

There’s some great ornery harrumphing from the inimitable Michael Hordern as General Kokoshkin, but the honours have to go to Bill Fraser, here, who plays a stolid, preening and cantankerously cunning man, obsessed with his Regiment’s standing in Russia’s social pecking order, but even more preoccupied with his own status. He regards a portrait of himself near the start and later delivers a stern speech rebuking the liberal Captain Miller (James Maxwell), waffling about “Providence” and “the greatest good for the greatest number”, enabling Miller to chide his inconsistency in citing an English liberal philosopher. Suffice to say, Fraser nails Svinin’s pompous rhetoric, entitled inhabitation of his military uniform and clodhopping political manoeuvring. Fraser would play even greater parts in Trevor Griffiths’s Plays for Today All Good Men (1974) & Comedians (1979).

Best line: “Whatever is best for the country is true, whatever weakens it is a lie.” (Lt. Col. Svinin, speaking for many in 2024 too, sadly)

Audience size: 7.35 million

Share of overall TV viewing audience: 55.6%

The opposition: BBC2 (Peter Nero – pianist-composer/Curtain of Fear – Victor Canning serial thriller/Newsroom), ITV (Dave’s Kingdom/Goldwater. Man of the West – report by John Freeman/Professional Wrestling)

Audience Reaction Index: 64%

Reviewed in publications consulted: 78%

Reception: This was heralded as a ‘Russian play for the intelligent’ (Liverpool Daily Press, 24 October 1964, p.6). Yet, in an interview for, significantly, the Mirror, Ronald Eyre drew links with Sid Colin’s sitcom The Army Game (Granada for ITV, 1957-61), which made Bill Fraser a household name through playing Sgt. Maj. Claude Snudge who marshalled a group of post-Second World War National Service recruits. Eyre is quoted: ‘Instead of just dealing with Bootsies and Snudges in a hut, this is the full Army Game from top to bottom – and it has a lot much punch’ (Jack Bell, Daily Mirror, 28 October 1964, p. 18). There’s also focus on how Fraser was cast after playing a sinister Nazi SS chief in a play at the Mermaid (ibid.).

After the play’s broadcast, Marjorie Norris admired its detail and techniques, the performances, Signum’s Picasso-like drawings and Spence’s designs of the Chief of Police’s quarters for their ‘Byzantine splendour’. However, she felt the actors were rarely ‘given a chance to act with each other’, and disliked the close ups and voice-overs of characters’ interior thoughts (Television Today, 5 November 1964, p. 14). More critical still was Lyn Lockwood, who thought it had several ‘excellent passages’ and strong performances, but found Eyre’s experimental approach ‘somewhat cumbersome’, leaving nothing to the viewer’s imagination (Daily Telegraph, 29 October 1964, p. 19).

Signum art as used during Postnikov’s imagining that he will end up in Siberia.

However, the London press response was broadly favourable. An anonymous Times reviewer felt Bill Fraser ‘combined richness with restraint’ and admired Ray Mort’s ‘genuinely touching little performance’, while admiring Eyre’s adventurous and kinetic style and, again, Signum’s ‘sometimes sensationally vigorous’ drawings (29 October 1964, p. 5). John Russell Taylor found the play initially slow to get going, but felt it became ‘the best, most intelligent and gripping piece of television drama we have had for a long time’ (The Listener, 5 November 1964, p. 735). Taylor loved its particularity and universality, and how the interview between the liberal Captain and the bishop (Peter Madden) was ‘a model of civilized irony’, with both of them ‘right but according to completely incompatible standards’ (ibid.).

Philip Purser thoroughly enjoyed a ‘funny, ironic, consistently entertaining’ play which was ‘universally true in its description of officer-man relationships and particularly true in its depiction of emergent liberal humanism.’ (Sunday Telegraph, 1 November 1964, p. 13). A briefer mention by Kenneth Baily in The People claims it started the new series ‘so splendidly’ (1 November 1964, p. 4).

Even more fulsome were Maurice Richardson and John Holmstrom. The former found it ‘electrifying’, being delighted to see Leskov’s ‘satirical masterpiece’ on TV, with the key action scene ‘a surprisingly successful piece of cinematic realism’ and the acting ‘magnificent’ (Observer, 1 November 1964, p. 24). The latter thought it ‘remarkable’, with Hordern giving one of ‘his finest shaggy-vulture impersonations, an insanely awesome mass of throat-clearings, back-humpings and bouncings on the balls of the feet’ (New Statesman, 6 November 1964, p. 711). Presciently, Holmstrom acclaims Fraser’s ‘steadily growing depth and finesse’ and predicts that Fraser ‘will be seen in five or ten years’ time not as a comic but as one of our great straight actors.’ (ibid.)

In the regional press, A.A.S. in the Birmingham Evening Mail enjoyed it, emphasising Fraser’s ‘rich, wise and amusing’ performance’ (29 October 1964, p. 3). However, further up North, John Tilley was bored, finding the dialogue ‘poor in its attempt to illustrate the profound banality of the military mind’ (Newcastle Journal, 31 October 1964, p. 9).

In the USA, reviewer ‘Rich.’ was in line with the general positive consensus, feeling it was ‘obviously intended for the more thoughtful viewer, though not the longhair type’, which augured ‘well for the skein’ (Variety, 11 November 1964, p. 38). ‘If this series of adaptations and new works by established writers can keep to this standard BBC drama will deserve nosegays’ (ibid). Notably, Philip Purser had felt this play brought to ‘full maturity’ the policy of the previous Festival strand, considering the BBC’s likely abandonment of Festival next year ‘typical BBC hara-kiri’ (op. cit.).

The audience generally liked it, with its 64 RI higher than the average of 62 for TV drama in the first half of 1964. While there was criticism of the still images and, typically for a play of non-British origin, ‘Quite a number found the theme unpleasant and depressing’, more of the large audience commended ‘something different at last’ and ‘an intellectual treat’ (BBC audience research report, VR/64/571). A teacher gave a perceptive extended paean:

The BBC is to be congratulated on the choice of this play. It is a courageous expose of the issues that torment men and bedevil their lives. Greed, ambition, corruption in high places, the pitilessness of officialdom and the ineffectualness of liberalism against closed minds, self interest, fear and helpless ignorance were laid bare without cant or sentimentalism or even more surprisingly, without undue cynicism.

The general length and depth of the responses in this 1960s report far exceeds what I have been used to analysing in many of the 1970s-80s ones. However, I can’t help but feel that more people today would agree with the viewer who said, ‘I would forfeit the whole series of Perry Mason for one play of this calibre’? than this equally positive response from a Dental Surgery Assistant: ‘A pleasant change. No women! No sex! No kitchen sink! No long-haired youth or pop music, therefore to me – marvellous!’ (ibid.).

Overall, A Crack in the Ice was clearly a successful opening to a run of plays intangibly poised between the Festival and Wednesday Play modes. While not quite the scale of ratings success of the adaptation of Gogol’s The Government Inspector (BBC TV, 9 February 1958)3, featuring Tony Hancock as Hlestakov, it did easily defeat ITV opposition: emphasising, again, the democratic wisdom of using established radio or TV stars to make European plays more palatable to a wide audience.4

If you worked on or remember watching this play on TV, please email me at thomas.w.may@northumbria.ac.uk as I’m gathering oral history memories and would love to hear from you. 🙂

  1. This is the first billed in the Radio Times as a ‘Wednesday Play’, so is good enough for me. However, clearly the concept and identity of the strand would fully be established in 1965 when Sydney Newman assigned the producer James MacTaggart to it. Clearly, A Crack in the Ice is more akin to Peter Luke’s previous stage adaptations for Festival (BBC1, 1963-64) ↩︎
  2. Can anyone help in identifying who this was? ↩︎
  3. See this Alan Bromly-directed version of The Government Inspector on YouTube here ↩︎
  4. See Billy Smart’s excellent journal article here for a full account of the BBC’s rhetoric in promoting Television World Theatre and Festival, and an account of critical and audience responses: ‘Drama for People ‘in the know’: Television World Theatre (BBC 1957-1959) and Festival (BBC 1963-1964)’, Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television, 37:1, pp. 34-48. ↩︎

MAY’S MINIATURES – S.01 E.10: J.G. Ballard – ‘The Largest Theme Park in the World’ (1989)

Photo (c) Fay Goodwin, The British Library Board

Welcome to the last episode of series 1 of May’s Miniatures. If you’ve enjoyed this series at all, please get in touch and suggest other stories or writers you’d like featured in a possible, if not probable, future series! Feel free to add comments on the posts that are on the May’s Britain blog.

Now, this final selection is a short story from one of my favourite writers. You don’t have to be Will to self-diagnose as a Ballardian. I love his work as it is sardonic, strange and taps into undercurrents of our human consciousness that most writers shy away from. Ballard’s work is like a literary equivalent to Max Ernst’s surrealist paintings but with an utterly matter of fact tone to its weirdness. You can’t help but hear his words resounding inside your head as if delivered by a BBC announcer from the Sixties, but who has unknowingly ingested some weird substance – and we’re not talking bleach!

He is not alarmed or moralistic about modernism, about the modern life of cars, motorways and consumerism, but nor is he Panglossian about it. He perceives troubling currents and subtly under plays them. This story is from later era Ballard. He was in his fourth decade as a writer, and wrote this soon after Margaret Thatcher’s pivotal Bruges Speech of 19 September 1988 which was critical in how the UK Conservative Party changed from being a pragmatically pro-European capitalist party to one torn between this and proto-Brexiting euroscepticism. This was published on 7 July 1989 in the Guardian newspaper, accompanied by a Steve Bell cartoon. This was four months before the restrictions between East Germany and West Germany were lifted, and the Berlin Wall took on new historical meaning. This story is incredibly prescient not just of events since 2016, but seems to parallel… In some ways… the, yes, cliché-alert…! strange times we are living in RIGHT NOW…!

Broadcast here on YouTube on Tuesday 11 August 2020:

This story brilliantly depicts cross-European middle class rebellion of leisure with a distinctive English iteration with seemingly divergent tendencies – green, feminist, sporty, Thatcherite. It observes the undercurrent beneath our cultural observance of the Protestant Work Ethic, which could apply on a much wider cross-class basis, given how beloved our holidays in Spain, Italy and Greece are to us.

More detailed thoughts to follow subsequently.

MAY’S MINIATURES – S.01 E.09: Angus Wilson – ‘Raspberry Jam’ (1949)

Ahhhh eeeekkk grotesquerie welcome in May’s Miniatures…! Numero nove!

Now, this isn’t a “nasty tale”. But it conveys something of what Hannah Arendt called the “banality of evil”. It was written by Angus Wilson and published in his first volume of short stories, The Wrong Set. Born in 1913, he was a gay writer in the days before, during and after the Wolfenden Committee Report of 1957 and the eventual decriminalisation of homosexual acts in England and Wales in 1967 due to the amendment to the Sexual Offences Act, brought before Parliament by Leo Abse and Lord Arran.

Wilson published the astonishing for its time Hemlock and After (1952) and such thorny, incisive portraits of a changing Britain as Anglo Saxon Attitudes (1956) and Late Call (1964), both of which were adapted for television over the following four decades. This is a complex, atmospheric and disturbing story which depicts the results of a combination of nostalgia, paranoia and alcohol. And, no, it isn’t entirely “feel good” fare…

This episode is broadcast on YouTube here, on Tuesday 4 August 2020:

Subsequent analysis of this story will follow.

MAY’S MINIATURES – S.01 E.08: Robert Graves – ‘The Shout’ (1924)

This is a fascinating source text for a 1978 film that has long bemused and delighted me in its surrealism and absurdism. I think I first saw it in around 2000 in a late-night showing on Channel Four, when I was at College. Now as certain friends might be able to tell you, I was laid-back at College, but perhaps quite not quite laid-back enough about my studies to stay up until the early hours and watch weird films. I taped Jerzy Skolimowki’s version of The Shout, and David Lynch’s Eraserhead (1977) too, and watched them in early evenings after my days at the City of Sunderland College’s Bede Centre.

‘The Shout’ possesses a mythical power that engages, if in a mediated way, with anthropology and Aboriginal beliefs and customs. Its writer Robert Graves was born in Wimbledon, London in 1895. He served in the Royal Welch Fusiliers during the First World War. Friends during his life included Wilfred Owen, Siegfried Sassoon, T.E. Lawrence and Spike Milligan. Graves’s autobiography detailing that war service Goodbye to All That was published in 1929. He made the island of Majorca his home that same year where he lived off and on until his death in 1985 but this was one of his ‘English Stories’, written five years earlier in 1924.

A ‘cromlech’ is a megalith or stone tomb. As you might expect from Robert Graves, writer of I, Claudius, there are echoes of the ancient world. The story’s narrator compares Crossley’s tale to the ‘Milesian’ style of erotic fiction written by the Platonist Roman scribe Lucius Apuleius. Please, listen, carefully, or I’ll shout your bloody head off!

Episode 8 was broadcast on YouTube on Tuesday 28 July 2020 here:

Subsequent thoughts and analysis to follow at a later date.

MAY’S MINIATURES – S.01 E.07: Muriel Spark – ‘The Snobs’ (1998)

Now, for the most recently written story in this first series of May’s Miniatures: your most arcane of Lockdown entertainments!

Muriel Spark was born in 1918 in Edinburgh, so this was published when she was eighty years old. There is no sign here that the writer of such sharp, vivid and strange novels as The Ballad of Peckham Rye (1960) and The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie (1961) was in decline or losing her salience. In 1998, Britain was entering its seventh full year without a recession. The average person was doing reasonably well, economically. The home owner, say, with a permanent job, was doing extraordinarily well and these people happily voted for Blair’s New Labour in 1997.

A shout out is due to the formidable, incredible actress Tilda Swinton. My selection is really down to her selection of this story in a recent issue of Sight and Sound. I remember how she spoke on a DVD extra about the great British film director Derek Jarman and paid tribute to his profound creativity and adventurous. It is really a great shame he never got around to adapting a Muriel Spark story or novel. Expect funny. Expect pointed. Expect a dissection of that perennial British obsession: social class.

Broadcast on YouTube here on Tuesday 21 July 2020:

Further analysis to be published here, subsequently.

MAY’S MINIATURES – S.01 E.06: Walter Benjamin – ‘In a Big Old City’ [fragment] (c.1906-12)

Imagine yourself back in Vienna in the early years of the twentieth century. This is a city with historical Celtic migration and which suffered a plague in 1679 which wiped out a third of its population. It has been known for its composers – Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven. The BBC has reported that in 1913, Adolf Hitler, Leon Trotsky, Josip Broz Tito, Sigmund Freud and Joseph Stalin all lived within a few miles of each other in central Vienna, some of them becoming regulars at the same coffeehouses.

Walter Benjamin is best known for his philosophical history writing which is favoured by intellectual left-wingers. No syllabus seriously aiming to analyse culture is complete without his essay ‘The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction’. This German Jewish writer committed suicide in 1940 while on the French-Spanish border and trying to escape the advancing Wehrmacht. The rooting of this short fragment in Vienna cannot be random. This was both “Red Vienna” known for its socialist agitation and also the home of the “Austrian School” of liberal capitalist economists, the most famous of whom was Friedrich August von Hayek. They saw economics, jobs and money, being governed by the motivations and actions of individuals and they saw a regulatory state as oppressive. This story consists of two individuals. How do they choose to spend their time? Are they part of a society?

Broadcast on YouTube on Tuesday 14 July 2020 here:

More detailed analysis and thoughts on this story will appear here later.

MAY’S MINIATURES – S.01 E.05: Elizabeth Taylor – ‘The Fly-paper’ (1972)

I think much of the bleakness perceived in the 1960s or 70s has to do with an increasingly confident mass media reporting on and communicating the evil of acts of child murder. I remember when I was 10, the prevalence of the story of the murder of James Bulger in Liverpool. You couldn’t be shielded, maybe shouldn’t be from the facts of evil being done. This story by Elizabeth Taylor, born two decades before her more famous namesake, seems a precursor to the 1970s wave of public information films in Britain which used shocking narratives to jolt and petrify children into learning important lessons to make them safe. The Spirit of Dark and Lonely Water (1973) and Apaches (1977) will remain ingrained in the minds of most British people who are now in their fifties. 

As explained by Joanne Kingham in her introduction to Taylor’s Complete Short Stories, she submitted the story to the New Yorker, but William Maxwell didn’t like it and told her to consider altering the ending. Listen, now, to my reading of a horrifying tale that the New Yorker refused to publish. 

Broadcast on YouTube on Tuesday 7 July 2020:

Analysis and thoughts to be added later.